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Patterns Of Insurance Coverage Within Families With Children
This paper examines patterns of health insurance within families with children, using the 1996 Medical Expenditure Panel Survey (MEPS). Four and a half million families (14 percent) had insurance for some, but not all, family members. These partially insured families generally obtained coverage because of one of three situations: (1) A parent earned relatively higher wages and received the concomitant benefits of such jobs but could not afford dependent coverage; (2) the family had young children who were covered by Medicaid through more generous eligibility thresholds for children under age six, while other family members were ineligible; or (3) the family had a member who was eligible for public coverage because of a disability. Each of these situations offers the platform from which incremental policies might efficiently expand coverage to families.
Family health insurance arrangements have become increasingly complex. Todays children are more likely to have insurance status that differs from that of their parents. Not only does this mean that some parents or children may be uninsured, but there also are important implications within the family. First, coverage differences between family members may mean that parents and children have different access to health care services.1 This is particularly noteworthy because parents use of services is known to strongly influence that of their children.2 For example, having a parent who has had no physician visit makes a privately insured child only one-third as likely to see a doctor at least once, compared with those whose parent has had one or more visits.3 Furthermore, uninsured parents are more likely than insured parents are to delay or forgo care for their insured child.4 This suggests that focusing solely on insurance coverage for individual children may be inefficient in securing access to care for all children. Second, Medicaid-eligible children are more likely to be covered if their whole family is eligible for Medicaid.5 Public programs that support insurance coverage for some, but not all, family members may miss the individuals they aim to help. This paper examines the health insurance patterns observed within families with children in 1996, focusing on the partially insured. I first compare family characteristics across groups and then form hypotheses about important attributes associated with partial insurance. Finally, I discuss the implications of various policy options for expanding insurance to more family members.
This study used data from the 1996 Medical Expenditure Panel Survey (MEPS), a nationally representative sample of U.S. households. A family is defined as any unit that included a child age eighteen or younger living with at least one parent. Mothers and fathers were identified at the time of the survey and include biological, adoptive, and stepparents. Only children and their parents were included in the analyses. Information from multiple family members was concatenated into one family-level record. The sample included 3,231 families with a total of 6,086 children and 5,417 adults, who represent 32.9 million families nationally.6 Insured persons are those with any type of health insurance coverage at any time during the round-one interview process (typically the first three and one-half months of the year). Families were subsequently categorized as being totally insured, completely uninsured, or partially insured. The partially insured group was further refined according to which family members had the coverage: one or two parents only, all of the children only, all of the children and one parent (in two-parent families), or some children and not others, irrespective of parental insurance status. Sources of coverage were placed into three mutually exclusive, hierarchical categories: any private health insurance, Medicaid (with or without other public coverage), and other coverage only. For families, the percentage of insured family members in each coverage category was calculated. Characteristics were compared across insurance groups using one-way analysis of variance and chi-square analysis. Data were weighted using family-level weights provided with the data.7 Standard errors were computed to adjust for complex sample design.8
The vast majority of families (77 percent) were totally insured (Exhibit 1
Characteristics of uninsured and partially insured families. In many respects, uninsured and partially insured families looked similar to one another: younger mothers, with lower educational attainment, less employment, and, if employed, less full-time work. However, partially insured families were somewhat more likely than their completely uninsured counterparts were to have two parents, more children, and more young children (under age six). Also, working mothers in partially insured families were more likely than those in uninsured families were to be higher-wage workers. However, fathers in the partially insured group were slightly less likely to be employed and, if employed, somewhat more likely to earn higher wages. I observed no significant differences in the health status of mothers in the two groups. Fathers in the partially insured group were much more likely than those in the completely uninsured group were to be in fair or poor physical and mental health. Likewise, partially insured families were more likely to have a child in fair or poor physical and mental health.
Insurance in partially insured families.
The study found four distinct insurance patterns among partially insured families. Most often one or two parents were covered while the children remained uninsured (1.6 million families) (Exhibit 2
The source of coverage looks quite different for these four groups and, in part, dictates each groups characteristics. Families in which only the parents were insured generally had private coverage (84 percent, not shown). These families had the fewest children and were the least likely to have young children. They also had the highest wages of all partially insured families. In contrast, the other types of partially insured families were more likely to have coverage through Medicaid. In families where only the children were covered, 65 percent of the coverage was provided through Medicaid. These families were least likely to have two parents, and working parents in these families earned low wages. Families in which only some children had health insurance also were likely to have Medicaid coverage (66 percent). Most notably, these families were likely to have a child in fair or poor health. Families with insurance for only one of the two parents and for all of the children were less predictably described. Half of the coverage for this group came from private sources (52 percent) and half from Medicaid (46 percent). In half of these families, both parents were employed, which increased the likelihood of their having some employment-based coverage. These families also were most likely to have young children; this increased their access to Medicaid through its more generous eligibility for pregnant women and young children. These two subgroups of families, with coverage from different sources, could not be separated, because of small sample sizes.
The limited availability and high cost of employment-based health insurance coverage, as well as the circumscribed nature of public efforts to expand coverage, have created a patchwork of health insurance options; as a result, 4.5 million families are only partially insured. The similarities observed between partially insured and completely uninsured families are not surprising, given the spells that individuals experience with and without health insurance.9 The major ways in which partially insured families differed from completely uninsured families reflect the various available routes to health insurance and suggest several incremental policy changes to support whole-family coverage. Relatively higher wages. To reduce their cost-sharing burden, families with relatively higher wages and the concomitant benefits of such jobs may choose coverage for only the worker, or those with only one child may opt for worker-plus-one-dependent plans (when available) instead of whole-family coverage. Subsidies to employees or employers to assist families in purchasing offered job-based coverage for themselves and their dependents could turn these partially insured families into totally insured families. Furthermore, supporting job-based whole-family coverage may require fewer public funds than would securing coverage through public means for only the children in a family.10 Young children. While Medicaid eligibility for all children under age nineteen with family incomes below the poverty level will be completely phased in by 2002, federally mandated thresholds still will remain more generous for pregnant women and for children under age six.11 Demonstration project waivers and programs funded only with state funds have allowed many states to expand Medicaid eligibility beyond these minimums. New flexibility in federal welfare law offers states the opportunity to expand Medicaid eligibility to more low-income parents, by allowing broad discretion in defining what counts as income and assets and by extending eligibility to more two-parent families.12 Similarly, federal SCHIP funds can be used to provide coverage to low-income parents of SCHIP enrollees, in states that can meet some fairly rigorous guidelines.13 Such expansions in public coverage could reduce the number of partially insured families, while also easing the enrollment in public coverage for families that may be eligible but havent taken up coverage. Disability. Medicaid eligibility determination for disabled persons is separate from standard income guidelines, often leaving remaining family members uninsured. Furthermore, parents who experienced a job-related disability may continue to receive employer coverage, while cost sharing for dependent coverage may become prohibitively costly because of reduced income. Families with coverage only for disabled family members pose an interesting problem for expanding coverage to uninsured parents and children. Disabled children or parents clearly need access to the special services necessitated by their impairment. The link of that disabled child or parent with public coverage, however, should not be overlooked as a potential avenue through which to reach other uninsured family members. Policies that expand partial family insurance into whole-family coverage present opportunities to simplify increasingly complex family insurance arrangements and efficiently use public funds. Such steps may ease enrollment of children and parents into public coverage, provide continuity of benefits and provider networks across family members, and, therefore, take advantage of the inherent link between parents and childrens patterns of health care use.
Karla Hanson is an assistant professor at the Robert J. Milano Graduate School of Management and Urban Policy, New School University, in New York City. This study was supported by the Commonwealth Fund Findings from this study were presented at the annual meeting of the Association for Health Services Research (AHSR), Los Angeles, June 2000.
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