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MARKETWATCHDo Consumers Know How Their Health Plan Works?
Expanding consumer choice of plans is beneficial only to the extent that consumers make informed choices. Using data from the 199697 Community Tracking Study (CTS), this study compares consumers responses on four key attributes of their health plan with information provided directly by the plan. Plan attributes relate to choice of providers and access to specialists. Although the accuracy of reporting some individual attributes was fairly high, fewer than one-third of consumers accurately reported all four health plan attributes. In general, consumers tended to over report plan restrictions, especially the need for approval to see specialists.
Allowing consumers greater choice of health plans is seen by many as the key to both higher quality and lower costs. A basic assumption behind this view is that consumers can and do make informed choices about the types of health plans they enroll in. In the past, informed choice required knowledge of the specific services covered by the plan as well as copayments and deductibles. Today, however, consumers must also understand health plans as care delivery systems, including rules for selecting providers from a specific network or going outside of the network, the role of primary care providers, and procedures for obtaining referrals for specialty care. Previous research has shown that many consumers lack a basic understanding of key managed care concepts and features, although it is not clear whether this lack of knowledge also extends to their own health plan.1 Failure to understand the delivery-system aspects of their own plan could result in confusion and frustration, which may ultimately affect satisfaction and quality of care. In this paper we use unique data from the 199697 Community Tracking Study (CTS) to compare consumers responses to questions about their health plan attributes with information obtained from the actual plans in which they are enrolled. We examine how accurately consumers report on basic plan features related to choice of providers and access to specialists, including (1) whether they must choose from a list or network of providers; (2) whether the plan covers any of the costs for going outside of the network; (3) whether they are required to sign up with a primary care provider; and (4) whether they are required to get a referral or plan approval for specialty care.
Data. The CTS, a longitudinal study designed to track changes in the health care system and their effects on people, is sponsored by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. The CTS household survey was designed to produce nationally representative estimates for the U.S. population as well as for each of the sixty communities in the CTS.2 The survey involved a sample of households using both random-digit dialing as well as a small field sample to represent households without telephones. Families were defined to include all persons eligible for coverage under a typical private health insurance policy. Separate interviews were conducted for each family in the household.
For each family interview, an individual considered to be knowledgeable about the health, health insurance coverage, and health care use of family members was selected as the "family respondent" (usually a parent for families with children). In addition, respondents were asked about the specific attributes of the private insurance plans they and other family members were enrolled in, namely, the plans requirements for selecting providers from a network, rules for going outside of the network, and "gatekeeping" requirements (Exhibit 1
Respondents also were asked to identify the health plans that family members were enrolled in, which were then contacted by telephone in a "follow-back" survey. Plans were asked to report on the same attributes that were asked of household respondents, as well as other plan features not asked about in the household survey. Respondents to the follow-back survey generally included marketing directors or other persons knowledgeable about plans characteristics.4 Methods. The unit of analysis in this study is the family health plan. For each plan reported on by the family respondent (up to three per family), responses to the questions on plan attributes were linked to plans responses to these same questions in the follow-back survey. By linking responses in this manner, we estimate the percentage of health plans for which there was agreement between the family and health plan respondents. Plans that had missing values on the attributes for either the family or plan respondent were excluded (less than 3 percent of plans for each attribute). Thus, lack of agreement between family and health plan reports reflects inaccurate reporting on the part of the family respondent, not failure to answer the question. The sample for this analysis is about 11,600 health plans that included both family and plan respondent information.5 These plans were reported on by a total of 10,884 family respondents. About 7 percent of family respondents (751) reported on more than one health plan (mostly two).6 The sample includes only private health insurance plans. Public coverageincluding Medicare, Medicaid, and Medigap planswas not included. Almost all respondents were between the ages of eighteen and sixty-four. Only about 100 family respondentsabout 1 percent of the totalwere age sixty-five or older.
Attributes were divided into network related attributes and gatekeeper attributes (see Exhibit 1
Frequency of plan attributes. Estimates of the percentage of plans that have restrictions on provider choice and access differ depending on whether the information was reported by the family respondent or the plan respondent. Estimates of the percentage of plans that have a network of providers are lower based on family reports than they are based on plan reports (Exhibit 2
Agreement between family and plan respondents. Overall, family respondents were most accurate in reporting on whether the plan had a network of providers and least accurate about whether referrals were required to see specialists (Exhibit 3
The high degree of overreporting the need for specialty care approval may be due in part to differences in the questions asked of family and health plan respondents. Because family respondents were not asked whether the plan pays for any of the costs for self-referrals to specialists (as health plan respondents were asked), they may have answered the question in terms of what the plan required for full coverage (see Exhibit 1 Agreement was also higher when the plan had a network and when a primary care provider was required. The one exception was that family respondents tended to be more accurate about reporting that the plan had coverage for out-of-network services (75 percent) than when there was no coverage for these services (61 percent). Type of health plan versus plan attributes. In addition to the plan attributes, family respondents were asked to identify whether their plan was an HMO, which could then be verified with the information provided by the health plan respondent. The results show that about three-fourths of family respondents accurately reported whether their plan was an HMO, which is a higher rate of agreement than for three of the four attributes (the network attribute being the exception). Unlike the plan attributes, overreporting HMO plan type did not appear to be more of a problem than underreporting it. It is unknown whether consumers are any more accurate in reporting other plan types, such as fee-for-service (FFS) plans, preferred provider organizations (PPOs), or POS plans. However, it is likely that consumers recognition of these terms is lower than for HMOs, especially considering the extensive media attention HMOs have received.9 Overall accuracy of reporting. Although the accuracy of reporting on some individual attributes was fairly high, fewer than one-third of respondents (30.3 percent) correctly reported all four attributes.10 In addition, just over half of respondents (56 percent) accurately reported both network attributes, while just under half (48.8 percent) accurately reported both gatekeeper attributes. However, among the most restrictive plans, agreement between the family respondent and plan respondent on all four restrictions was somewhat higher (50 percent). Factors affecting family respondents accuracy. There were no differences in the accuracy of reporting all four attributes by amount of experience with HMOs, but there were some differences depending on level of plan choice, health status, and level of education. However, the accuracy of reporting all four attributes did not exceed 36 percent for any characteristic we examined.11
Experience with HMOs.
One might expect that greater experience with managed care plansespecially HMOswould lead to more accurate reporting of these attributes. Although agreement rates on all four attributes are slightly higher for respondents with more than one years experience with HMOs, these small differences were not statistically significant (Exhibit 4
Choice of health plans. Respondents who have a choice of employer plans may be more accurate in reporting plan attributes, either because employers provide more information about plans or because employees make more of an effort to understand plan differences when they have a choice. We found that the accuracy of reporting all four attributes was highest among respondents who had a choice of HMO and non-HMO plans (36 percent) and lowest among those offered only a single HMO plan (25 percent). These differences appear to be attributable mostly to the accuracy of reporting gatekeeping attributes. One exception to the general trend is that respondents offered only a single non-HMO plan had the second-highest overall rate of agreement (30.4 percent) and had agreement rates on network attributes that were similar to those offered a choice of HMO and non- HMO plans (about 53 percent). It is possible that having a single plan offering with few restrictions is often easier to comprehend than when plans or plan offerings are more complicated, or it may be due to other respondent characteristics that are also associated with relatively higher agreement. Health status. One might also expect greater accuracy in reporting among respondents with significant health needs, both because plan restrictions may be of greater importance to them and because they are likely to have more direct experiences in knowing how their plan works. Surprisingly, respondents who reported their health as poor were slightly less likely to accurately report all four attributes than were persons who reported their health as excellent, good, or fair, although these small differences were not statistically significant. The less accurate reporting may reflect having fewer choices or other characteristics associated with lower accuracy in reporting (such as socioeconomic status). Education. As one might expect, respondents with at least a high school education had greater accuracy in reporting all four attributes than did respondents with less than a high school education. These differences appear to be a combination of accuracy of reporting both network and gatekeeper attributes. However, only about one-third of respondents with a college degree accurately reported all four attributes, which is only slightly higher than for respondents who had only completed high school.
Enabling consumers to have a greater role in choosing their health plan is an explicit or implicit goal of many policy proposals, including those that would provide tax subsidies to purchase insurance in the nongroup market, create or expand purchasing cooperatives, allow individuals to buy in to the Federal Employees Health Benefits Program (FEHBP), and mandate employers to offer a choice of plans. These proposals may differ in their primary objective, but they all emphasize the role of the consumer in making plan choices and will be much more effective if consumers are able to make informed choices. Previous research has indicated that consumers do not understand many of the key concepts of managed care; our study results indicate that this lack of understanding also applies to their own health plan. Although the accuracy in reporting some individual attributes was relatively high, only about one-third correctly identified all four attributes related to the use of networks and gatekeepers. Overreporting of restrictions. In addition, overreporting of plan restrictions on access and physician choice appears to be more of a problem than underreporting is. That is, consumers enrolled in plans that restrict enrollees access and choice generally appear to have greater awareness of these restrictions (with the exception of not being able to go out of network), while consumers who are not restricted often believe that they are. This overreporting may be the result of consumers being influenced by media reports on managed care practiceswhich they incorrectly assume also apply to their own health planor negative experiences with their own health care that they incorrectly attribute to plan restrictions. Implications for satisfaction and access. A lack of understanding of how ones health plan works also has implications for consumer satisfaction and access to care. Consumers may experience greater barriers to care if they are unaware of plan restrictions regarding provider choice and access, or they may delay getting care because they mistakenly believe that their plan requires them to get authorization or approval to visit a certain doctor or receive certain services. The CTS data show that consumers who mistakenly believed that they needed a referral for specialty care were somewhat more likely to report delays in getting care than were consumers who accurately reported that plan approval was not required (25 percent versus 22 percent overall). On the other hand, consumers who were unaware that their plan required referrals for specialty care were less likely to report delays in getting care than were consumers who accurately reported that plan approval was required (19 percent versus 25 percent). As other findings from the CTS household and follow-back surveys have shown, these findings suggest that peoples perceptions of plan restrictions may be more important in influencing their assessments of care than the actual plan attributes are.12 Need for more consumer information. The results suggest the need for more consumer information and education about how health plans work, particularly the managed care" features that are more typical of health plans today. A considerable body of evidence indicates that early efforts to educate consumers have not been very effective and that simply providing consumers with more information about plans will not necessarily improve their decisions.13 In particular, more effective methods for explaining plans as care delivery systems are needed, as well as information that allows consumers to evaluate the trade-offs among access, cost, and quality. Moreover, the delivery-system aspects of health plans may become more complex as a result of recent trends toward more "openaccess" models of care and patients rights legislation that mandates greater access to physicians both inside and outside of a plans network. In other words, many plans that previously had no coverage for out-of-network services or self-referred specialty care may loosen these restrictions by implementing complex rules for when these restrictions do not apply or for when there is full or partial coverage. These changes are likely to increase the importance of consumer education, since they may greatly increase the complexity of plan rules as well as the need for consumers to be aware of changes to their own health plan and the health plan market in general.
Peter Cunningham is a senior researcher at the Center for Studying Health System Change in Washington, D.C. Charles Denk is senior program director at Princeton Survey Research Associates in New Jersey. Michael Sinclair is a senior statistician at Mathematica Policy Research, also in Princeton, New Jersey. The Center for Studying Health System Change is supported in full by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. This work was largely completed while Charles Denk was employed at Mathematica Policy Research. The authors thank Joy Grossman, James Reschovsky, Paul Ginsburg, Ann Greiner, and two anonymous reviewers for helpful comments. Bryan Sayer and Leif Karell of Social and Scientific Systems provided excellent programming assistance.
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