|
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
Technological Change Around The World: Evidence From Heart Attack Care
Although technological change is a hallmark of health care worldwide, relatively little evidence exists on whether changes in health care differ across the very different health care systems of developed countries. We present new comparative evidence on heart attack care in seventeen countries showing that technological changechanges in medical treatments that affect the quality and cost of careis universal but has differed greatly around the world. Differences in treatment rates are greatest for costly medical technologies, where strict financing limits and other policies to restrict adoption of intensive technologies have been associated with divergences in medical practices over time. Countries appear to differ systematically in the time at which intensive cardiac procedures began to be widely used and in the rate of growth of the procedures. The differences appear to be related to economic and regulatory incentives of the health care systems and may have important economic and health consequences.
Health care is an industry that is becoming part of a global economy. Biomedical knowledge and technologies are already "global" in the sense that leading physicians in all developed countries read the same journals and electronic reviews and participate in international consortia to encourage best practices. For the most part, the same drugs and devices are available worldwide, at least within a few years of each other. Leading clinical researchers and experts collaborate internationally; leading drug and biotechnology firms think globally. As worldwide policy interest in quality of care continues to rise, international comparisons of health care systems are becoming common. Yet health care also remains a local industry, with care delivered by physicians influenced by their local peers, practice settings, and health care policies. The Technological Change in Health Care (TECH) research network is investigating differences in technological change across countries.1 TECH is an international collaboration of investigators that is developing new international evidence on trends in treatment, resource costs, and health outcomes for common health problems. The network consists of national experts in clinical medicine, economics, and epidemiology from seventeen countries, who have developed new methods for conducting quantitative research on large administrative and clinical databases from each country.2 The TECH network focuses on the "micro" level: differences in technological change for particular types of patients. By examining particular health problems where medical treatments are known to have important effects on health, and where substantial international evidence suggests that quality of care can vary, it is potentially easier to examine the effects different health systems have on trends in quality and cost of carethat is, effects on changes in the value or productivity of health care systems. We examine trends over time rather than point-in-time differences, for two reasons. First, relatively little evidence exists on differences in changes in medical practice, even though innovation is a critical element of health care. Second, comparing trends allows us to "factor out" the genetic, cultural, social, and other influences on the incidence and treatment of diseases across countries at a point in time. These underlying factors are unlikely to change nearly as rapidly as medical practices do. Our expectation, based on cross-sectional studies, anecdotal evidence, and previous studies, was that technological change differed greatly across countries. Determining the magnitude of such differences in trends, their association with national health system incentives, and their consequences for medical spending and health outcomes is the principal goal of our collaborative research. Our initial focus has been on patients hospitalized with heart attacks (acute myocardial infarction, or AMI), for several reasons. Heart attack is a well-defined clinical condition around the world. Inpatient data, which are the most reliable data in most countries, are relatively complete sources of information on acute care for heart attacks. Knowledge of effective heart attack treatments has changed much in recent years; clinical trials and other data from the United States and other countries suggest that changes in medical practices may account for a large part of the improvements in outcomes.3 Thus, if differences in technological change exist across countries, they are likely to show up in inpatient care for heart attacks.
Our methods reflect efforts by the TECH research teams to identify the best available data on trends in practices in their country and to analyze the data consistently. To the extent possible, teams used nationally representative micro-level data sourcescovering at least a large geographic area of each countryrather than reports from particular, possibly nonrepresentative institutions.4 We have developed and applied consistent methods for conducting micro-level analyses, including standardized cohort and variable definitions and population weights. More detailed presentations of the methods used to develop these data, and of these and other results from the TECH network, can be found in our other papers.5 We divide trends in technological change into two broad categories: intensive technologies (the "high-tech" procedures or other processes of care that require much expert input and resource cost each time they are used) and nonintensive technologies (processes of care that have low incremental costs). Major surgical procedures are intensive; generic drug prescriptions are nonintensive (if little careful monitoring for appropriateness, side effects, or complications is required). Many treatments fall between these extremes. We find a great deal of technological change in most dimensions of acute heart attack care in virtually all of the countries included in our analysis. However, technological change for heart attack care has differed in many ways across countries. The results illustrate some clear relationships to health system characteristics, particularly for the case of intensive treatments for heart attack patients.
We first summarize trends for countries that are able to construct longitudinal data on patient carethat is, care spanning multiple hospitalizations that is linkable to other types of records. We then turn to nonlongitudinal data, based on individual hospital discharges, which provide some evidence on the generalizability of our results to additional countries. Because almost all of our estimates are based on thousands of patients per year, standard errors of our estimates are very small.6 All of our results have been standardized for age and sex using the 1995 U.S. population of heart attack patients.
Longitudinal data.
Exhibit 1
Yet technological change has occurred quite differently across countries. Three different patterns of change are evident. One pattern, evident in the United States, involves an early start and a fast rise.7 U.S. treatment rates are much higher than those in all of the other countries included in our longitudinal analysis. Canada and Australia illustrate a second broad pattern of technological change for intensive treatments: later start, relatively fast growth. These countries began to use intensive cardiac procedures such as catheterization somewhat later than was the case in the United States. Later initial adoption is the primary reason that catheterization rates in Australia differ from U.S. rates. Indeed, the more rapid rate of growth in procedure use suggests that Australian practices are converging toward those in the United States. Our subsequent results also show convergence in other treatment rates for some other countries in this group. While a number of cross-sectional studies have documented differences in catheterization rates between the United States and Canada, little evidence has existed on the differences in trends between the two countries and among the Canadian provinces. In general, Canadian catheterization rates steadily diverged from U.S. rates through 1995, before the U.S. rate leveled off. Possibly reflecting the differences in health policies across Canadian provinces, however, trends have differed greatly within Canada. For example, in association with reimbursement restrictions adopted in 1995, Alberta (which historically had relatively intensive treatment patterns) has experienced a slowdown in its growth rate in recent years. In contrast, the provincial government in Ontario, where procedure rates have been relatively low, is considering recommendations to increase procedure rates in the next few years to address the gap between it and the other Canadian provinces. The third broad pattern of technological change is illustrated by Finland: later start and slow growth. Both the rate of use in the early years and rate of growth in use in Finland are much lower than in other countries. Thus, Finland has had much lower rates of intensive procedure use than Canada, whose use in turn has been much lower than in the United States and a few other countries. As some of our subsequent results illustrate, this pattern applies to most of the other Nordic countries and to the United Kingdom as well. Our detailed analyses have shown that intensive treatment for the oldest heart attack patients contributes to the observed differences. At one extreme, elderly heart attack patients (age sixty-five and older) in the United States show only modest differences in treatment rates compared with nonelderly patients. In contrast, catheterization rates for the elderly compared to the nonelderly are only around three-fourths as large in Alberta (the highest-rate Canadian province) and two-thirds as large in Ontario (the lowest-rate Canadian province). And in Finland and Scotland, which have among the lowest levels and trends in procedure growth, the catheterization rate in elderly heart attack patients is only about half as high as in the overall population. In other words, there is a clear association between the absolute intensity of treatment of the population and the relative differences in the intensity of treatment between younger and older persons within the population. This is the result of relatively larger differences in trends in procedure use for elderly heart attack sufferers in different countries.
A larger number of countries were able to provide reliable data on coronary artery bypass graft (CABG) use (Exhibit 2
On the lower end, Denmark and Scotland have had lower rates of procedure use, although growth in Denmark has been relatively rapid since the early 1990s in association with a "heart programme" explicitly intended to improve cardiac care by making intensive services more widely available. The United Kingdom has not supported any such expansions of cardiac surgery capacity, and Scotland has persistently low intensive procedure rates. Differences in angioplasty trends are even larger across countries.
Our analysis also included some recently diffusing intensive technologies. For example, Exhibit 3
Differences in the use of primary angioplasty are relatively larger than differences in other intensive procedures. According to Exhibit 3
For patients who undergo intensive treatment, the time to treatment has also varied across countries. Exhibit 4
In Australia and the United States the time to treatment is generally short: Well over 80 percent of patients undergoing catheterization do so within thirty days of the heart attack (and most of these patients do so within a week), and around 90 percent of catheterized patients who receive CABG do so within thirty days of catheterization. Alberta and Israel also have relatively rapid availability of catheterization, although the time between catheterization and CABG is somewhat greater. The other Canadian provinces have somewhat longer waiting times. For almost all of the countries and provinces, however, waits have been declining over time. Hospital discharge data. Nonlongitudinal discharge data on hospitalized patients are available for considerably more countries. Thus, a larger number of countries were able to estimate treatment trends within initial hospitalizations for heart attack patients. Although such trends are potentially confounded by differences in lengths of hospital stay and transfer practices, they can provide some additional evidence on technological change in intensive procedure use. Indeed, the results for countries that also performed the longitudinal analysis just described showed that differences in trends were qualitatively similar to, but more exaggerated than, the trends with longitudinal data.
Exhibit 6
A large set of countries have intermediate trends; growth rates are relatively similar to those in the United States, but they appear to have started to increase later, in the early 1990s. The Japanese and French trends are distinctive, in that a potentially nonrepresentative set of hospitals is included in the sample. Although the data are not sufficient to determine a "take-off date" for growth in catheterization with any precision, the growth rates in these two countries have been relatively rapid since the mid-1990s.11
A third group of countries have very low rates of procedure use, growing only modestly by the end of the period. As Exhibit 1
Exhibit 7
Although discharge data are less complete than longitudinal patient records, this evidence suggests that the three major patterns of technological change involving intensive procedures evident in the longitudinal records hold for a broad range of developed countries.
Few countries, including the United States, have general databases on prescription drug use linked to diagnostic and other information on large populations of patientsat least, data in a form that can be used consistently by research teams in each country. Consequently, it is not possible to develop quantitative evidence on trends in drug therapy for large, representative segments of each countrys population. However, considerable qualitative evidence suggests that for the most part, trends in drug therapy have not differed as systematically across countries as have trends in intensive procedure use. In our previous comparative work on heart attack care, our collaborating investigators found variations in technological change involving many cardiac drugs, but also some important similarities.12 For drugs that are relatively straightforward to use, such as aspirin and beta-blockers, rates of use appeared to increase greatly in virtually all participating countries. Moreover, differences in trends did not show the same systematic patterns as did intensive procedures, suggesting that the factors influencing diffusion rates for many low-cost drug treatments may be quite different than those influencing diffusion of intensive surgical treatments. A few important differences in drug treatment trends were evident. For example, we found divergent trends in the use of thrombolytic drugs across countries. Primary angioplasty, the high-tech alternative to thrombolytics, has become an important substitute in countries such as the United States that use angioplasty most heavily. Also, trends in the choice of thrombolytic drugs have differed across countries. In the United States use of tissue plasminogen activator (tPA) has become widespread. This is a patented and thus much more costly thrombolytic, which has been shown in some trials to lead to slightly lower mortality than the generic thrombolytics (streptokinase and urokinase).13 In contrast, streptokinase is used more widely in Canada and most European countries.14 Trends in thrombolytic use rates and the choice of thrombolytics thus are correlated with trends in intensive procedure use. Overall rates of thrombolytic use have tended to increase less in countries in which intensive procedures have become more widely used; conversely, those countries are more likely to use the more costly drug when thrombolysis is performed. A valuable source of evidence on differences in trends in drug therapy for heart attack patients is the World Health Organizations (WHOs) MONICA study, which collected clinically detailed data on trends in heart attack patient characteristics, acute treatments (twenty-eight days), and acute outcomes in a very large number of study sites between themid-1980s andmid-1990s.15 While the study had some limitations, it was notable for its intensive effort to collect clinical data in a standardized format. In general, the MONICA findings confirm the conclusions of our qualitative review, in that trends in many drug therapies did not show consistent patterns and systematic differences. For example, the MONICA investigators recently computed an "index" based on the rate of prehospital and in-hospital treatment with a set of drug therapies including beta-blockers, angiotensin converting enzyme (ACE) inhibitors, antiplatelet agents (such as aspirin), and thrombolytic drugs (in-hospital only).16 These drugs were all shown to be effective in reducing heart attack mortality before or during the period of the MONICA analysis. Overall, growth in the use of these drugs was somewhat slower in Denmark, Finland, and Sweden and somewhat faster in Australia, France, and the United Kingdom. But these patterns incorporate variable patterns across treatments: the use of certain effective drug therapies was relatively slow in some centers (for example, ACE inhibitor use in the Danish center and thrombolytic drug use in the French centers, which had more rapid diffusion of angioplasty) and relatively high in others (for example, beta-blocker use in Italy and Switzerland). In general, however, the trends were all significantly positive and did not differ significantly from each other. Moreover, because the MONICA data only track practices through the early 1990s, they are not able to provide direct evidence on the more dramatic recent growth in many drug and surgical treatments. Thus, additional quantitative evidence on trends in the use of drug therapies in heart attack care is needed to provide a more complete comparison of technological change. However, the available evidence suggests that the differences in trends for less costly drugs are not as large or consistent across countries as the differences in procedure use are.
Our work illustrates that medical practices for heart attack care have changed dramatically around the world in the past decade. Treatment has become more intensive, with more use of potentially valuable medications and more use of intensive cardiac procedures. However, the way in which medical practices have changed has differed. For intensive procedures, we found three very different patterns of technological change. The United States and (based on more limited evidence) Japan and possibly France illustrated an early start/fast growth pattern: intensive procedures tended to diffuse early, resulting in relatively high treatment rates in the overall population in any given time period. This pattern is also associated with relatively rapid diffusion for these countries elderly populations. A second pattern, late start/fast growth, involves relatively rapid diffusion of intensive technologies, but diffusion that starts later and thus from a lower "base rate." These countries show diffusion rates that are similar to U.S. rates, and indeed in some cases converge toward U.S. rates. But the overall intensity of treatment at any given time tends to be somewhat lower than in the United States because of the later start of diffusion (and, in the case of Canada, because the trend rate is somewhat slower than the U.S. rate). In addition, diffusion of procedures to elderly patients in these countries tends to be slower. Countries with this pattern include Australia, Belgium, most Canadian provinces (although their growth rates were somewhat slower than those of most other countries in this group), France, Italy, Singapore, and Taiwan. The third pattern involves late start/slow growth: later adoption and slower diffusion throughout the decade. Countries with this pattern include the United Kingdom, most of the Scandinavian countries, and (at least on some measures) Ontario. No such systematic differences in trends were evident for relatively low-cost, easy-to-use drugs. In general, many drug treatments diffused widely in all developed countries, but the patterns of diffusion were not so clearly different. Drugs with very high costs, illustrated by tPA, showed differences in trends more like those observed for the intensive procedures. In our ongoing work, we are conducting more comprehensive analyses of the extent to which these broad patterns of technological change are related to the underlying regulatory and economic incentives for providing medical treatments in each country. While much remains to be done, our results suggest that "supply side" incentivesparticularly those affecting hospitals and, to a lesser extent, physicianshave an important relationship to observed trends in costly treatments, including intensive procedures and certain very expensive drugs. Countries such as the United States and Taiwan with relatively "weak" supply-side restrictions on the adoption of intensive treatmentssuch as the provision of additional reimbursement to hospitals based on the treatments they provide, and limited regulatory restrictions on particular technology adoption decisions by hospitalshave relatively rapid growth rates. Countries such as Canada, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, and Norway with stricter supply-side restrictionssuch as global budgets for hospitals and central planning of the availability of intensive services have considerably slower growth rates. The factors influencing diffusion of drug and other therapies are somewhat less clear-cut; their use is not strongly related to financial incentives. Since the costs of these treatments are relatively modest, it is possible that institutional and cultural forces as well as specific initiatives related to quality of care are primary determinants. Policy conclusions about which of these diverse patterns of technological change are optimal depend on their consequences for patient health outcomes and costs of care in each country, and on the value placed on these outcomes by each countrys population. However, it is clear that if high-quality care requires rapid innovation and diffusion of valuable high-cost as well as low-cost treatments, quality of care may differ greatly around the world, and national health policies may influence quality in important ways. The formal evidence from clinical trials on the effects of such high-cost intensive procedures is and will likely remain limited. Especially in countries with relatively wide availability of intensive procedures, it has been difficult to find both adequate funding and adequate willingness among patients and providers to participate in randomization for such major therapeutic decisions. Moreover, because providers experiences and use of procedures change so rapidly, the results of randomized trials may be viewed as having only limited relevance to current practice by the time they are published. This seems to have been the case in trials of primary angioplasty. The early trials in the late 1980s and early 1990s showed no benefit over thrombolytic drugs, but these trials appear to have had almost no impact on the rate of diffusion of primary angioplasty. In contrast, more recent trials have shown at least a slight advantage (one percentage point or so case survival), at least in experienced centers. Very recently, the development of complementary drugs and devices (stents) may have improved outcomes even more. Large differences in outcome trends between countries would not be expected even if differences in procedure rates were substantial. For example, if intensive procedures convey a nontrivial mortality benefitsay, two percentage pointsthen even when a difference of twenty percentage points in treatment rates emerges, the associated difference in the population mortality rate would be 0.4 percentage points. Of course, this does not necessarily imply that the more intensive procedures are not worthwhile; it simply implies that careful analysis of outcome trends and the factors influencing the trends is necessary. We are conducting more detailed analyses of short- and long-term outcome trends for heart attack patients in our participating countries, and our large sample sizes provide an opportunity to detect trend differences with a very high level of precision. However, it is possible that any differences due to intensive procedures may be overshadowed by trend differences in less intensive treatments, population characteristics, and other factors. Our ongoing work also suggests that more rapid diffusion of intensive technologies has had clearer implications for health care costs. If the patterns we observe for heart attack care apply more generally, then they would suggest somewhat faster medical expenditure growth in countries with the two more rapid patterns of intensive technology diffusion compared to countries with the third, slower pattern. Moreover, the material and personnel costs ("prices") associated with the use of intensive treatments also differ greatly across countries; the countries with more rapid diffusion tend to have somewhat higher payments for these inputs. Even if the consequences for outcomes imply that the more rapid technological change involving intensive procedures is worthwhile, other important unanswered questions remain. Do the patterns we have observed for trends in acute treatments also apply to preventive services and treatments for chronic illnesses? What are the equity effects of different patterns of technological change: Does more rapid diffusion tend to exacerbate or reduce differences in utilization across socioeconomic groups, or are socioeconomic differences in use of intensive treatments unaffected? Are differences in technological change by age and by gender consequential? Does the rate of technological change affect variations in medical practice and quality of care within countries? Do countries with similar overall patterns of technological change have different outcome and cost consequences, because of differences in quality and appropriateness of treatment in patients who undergo procedures? Virtually no evidence exists on these questions. They are important next steps for international studies on how health care changes over time, and how policies can affect these changes.
This manuscript was prepared by Mark McClellan and Daniel Kessler, with assistance from Olga Saynina, Abigail Moreland, and the rest of the TECH investigators. This study was funded in part by grants from the National Institute on Aging, the Commonwealth Fund, the European Science Foundation, the Canadian Institutes for Health Research, the Australian Commonwealth Department of Health and Aged Care, the Swiss National Science Foundation (Grant nos. 3.856-0.83, 3.938-0.85, 32-9271.87, and 32-30110.90), the Swiss Heart Foundation, the Cantons of Vaud and Ticino (Switzerland), the Swedish Council for Social Research, the Swedish Medical Research Council, the Heart and Stroke Foundation of Canada, the Fonds de la Recherche en Santé du Quebec, and the Stanford University Graduate School of Business. Among others, we thank the Victoria Department of Human Services, Statistics Finland, and the Agenzia Sanitaria and the Assessorato alla Sanità of Regione Emilia Romagna for providing data. The results and conclusions are strictly those of the authors and should not be attributed to any of the sponsoring agencies.
This article has been cited by other articles:
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||