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TRENDSTrends In Health Insurance Coverage: A Look At Early 2001 Data
Between the late 1980s and mid-1990s the percentage of Americans without health insurance coverage rose, in large part because rising health benefit costs eroded employment-based coverage.1 Recent data suggest that the strong economy of the past decade has greatly affected various aspects of health benefits. Since the mid-1990s the percentage of workers and their families with employer coverage has been increasing, and between 1998 and 1999 the percentage of all Americans without health insurance actually fell.2 Despite cumulative cost increases of nearly 20 percent between 1998 and 2000 for small employers, the percentage offering health benefits rose substantially during the same period.3 Many who support coverage expansion fear that without a strong economy, rising insurance costs will have their expected effect on coverage patternsnamely, the number of uninsured persons will soon start to rise once again. Using nationally representative data from early 2001, this paper examines the state of employment-based health benefits among workers and how it has changed since 1993. Data from 2001 may shed light on whether the weakening economy has started to affect U.S. health insurance coverage.
Data for this study come from a series of supplements to the Current Population Survey (CPS). In 1995 the Census Bureau added a supplement to the February CPS to gather information about contingent and alternative work arrangements. As part of the supplement, workers were asked a series of questions about health benefits in the workplace. From these questions, users of the survey can determine whether workers are offered coverage, if they take coverage, why they are not eligible for coverage, why they turn down coverage, other sources of coverage they may have, and whether they are uninsured. The survey was repeated in February 1997, 1999, and 2001. The data collected in the survey also were collected in supplements to the CPS in May 1988 and April 1993. As a result, a time series can be constructed that includes numerous years between 1988 and 2001 on workers experiences with health benefits. The CPS data used in this paper reflect key turning points in health insurance coverage in the late 1980s and mid-1990s as reflected by costs and coverage trends before and after these periods. During the late 1980s health insurance cost increases often exceeded 10 percent, while the percentage of insured Americans was falling.4 However, in the mid-1990s health insurance costs were stagnant, the economy started to strengthen, and unemployment began to fall. In 1992 the unemployment rate was 7.5 percent; by 2000 it was 4 percent.5 At the same time, more employers offered health benefits. Although health insurance costs started to rise again during the late 1990s, employers have yet to increase employees share of the premium.6 To examine recent trends, I used the CPS supplements to create a timeline containing comparable data on health benefits for workers ages 1864.7 I did not include self-employed persons in the analysis because they were not asked questions about employer sponsorship of health benefits.
Data from the CPS show that the percentage of workers offered health benefits (the offer rate) has been rising since 1993 (Exhibit 1
The fact that fewer workers are taking health benefits when they are offered does not necessarily mean that fewer workers have health insurance. In fact, since 1995 the percentage of workers without any form of health insurance has been declining (Exhibit 2
It is important to understand who has benefited from the recent expansion in coverage. It is possible that not all workers have realized gains in coverage. For example, low-wage workers often are affected differently than high-wage workers are. To shed some light on how coverage patterns may have varied, I examine a handful of worker characteristics often associated with wages: hours of work, industry, race, and sex. I do not examine wages because the CPS collected data on earnings for only 25 percent of the sample.8 Although the data in the following exhibits are from 19882001, the discussion that follows focuses on 19972001 because that was a period when offer rates were increasing even when the cost of providing health benefits was once again rising faster than overall inflation.
Hours of work.
Exhibit 3
Industry. Exhibit 3
Race.
Workers of all races experienced some increase in offer rates since 1997 (Exhibit 4
Sex. Men had an increase in offer rates between 1997 and 1999, while the increase continued for women through 2001. As a result, coverage rates for women increased from 56 percent in 1997 to 58 percent in 2001 (Exhibit 5
The findings in this paper suggest that expansions of employer health benefits that began in the mid-1990s continued into early 2001. The percentage of workers offered health benefits and the percentage of workers covered have both increased since 1993. Although the percentage of workers taking coverage from their own employer has declined, workers are less likely to be uninsured today than they were in 1993 because they are getting health insurance from other sources. The expansion in employer coverage occurred during an interesting time. Since the late 1990s the cost of providing health benefits to workers has been rising. Economists and others would expect fewer workers to be covered by health benefits, but those expectations have yet to materialize. It appears that as long as the economy is strong, employers do not cut back on benefits. Now that the economy has slowed, the prediction that employers will cut back on health benefits may come true, but the difficulty in making this prediction is a function of timing as much as one of economics. Why didnt the percentage of workers with employer coverage shrink in early 2001? Generally speaking, employers made decisions about the health benefits they were going to offer in 2001, and how workers would pay for those health benefits, in mid-2000. When open enrollment for 2001 began in the fall of 2000, many economists were predicting a recession, but the economy was not quite in that state. In fact, the unemployment rate during the fall of 2000 reached 3.9 percent. Employers were unlikely to cut benefits, regardless of cost increases, when tight labor markets were leaving them concerned about recruitment and retention. Now that the economy clearly is not as strong as it was in 2000, will employers cut back on health benefits? It depends. As of this writing, employers were planning for changes that they were to announce in the fall of 2001 for benefits in 2002. They may have planned to cut back on benefits because of the slow economy, but employers have to ask whether the economy will be slow in 2002. After numerous interest rate cuts by the Federal Reserve Board and a tax cut, many economists and others expect that the economy will turn around during 2002, although the uncertainty prevailing after September 11s terrorist acts could change the picture as well. If employers expect the economy to turn around then, they may find it easier to deal with the slowing economy by cutting jobs than by cutting benefits, especially given the need to reinstate benefits once it is clear that the economy has turned around. However, because of lags in the collection of data, we may not know for sure that the economy turned around in 2002 until the end of that year. The relative strength of the economy and the demand for workers are likely to play as strong a role as changes in the cost of health benefits in determining the percentage of workers with health benefits. Even if a patients bill of rights, new technology, and other factors continue to raise the cost of health benefits, we may continue to see more workers with these benefits once the economy strengthens. The real question is whether an even greater expansion in health benefits would have occurred if the cost of providing them were not rising much faster than inflation.
Paul Fronstin is a senior research associate with the Employee Benefit Research Institute (EBRI) in Washington, D.C. He is also director of the institutes Health Security and Quality Research Program. He has been with EBRI since 1993. Any views expressed in this paper are those of the author and should not be ascribed to the officers, trustees, members, or other sponsors of EBRI, EBRI-ERF, or their staffs. The author thanks Dallas Salisbury, Karl Polzer, Rachel Christensen, Ray Werntz, and two anonymous reviewers for commenting on an earlier version of this paper.
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