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TRENDSThe Effect Of Physician-Owned Surgicenters On Hospital Outpatient Surgery
Hospitals increasingly find themselves subject to competition from freestanding outpatient treatment facilities such as diagnostic imaging centers and ambulatory surgery centers. That competition causes hospitals particularly intense concern when the freestanding facility is owned by physicians who are on the hospitals medical staff. We find some basis for that concern. Further, this particular form of rivalry raises competitive complications that differentiate it from the standard antitrust analysis of new competitive entry.
In the ordinary competitive framework for the provision of medical care, we normally observe that (1) hospitals and freestanding ambulatory surgery centers (ASCs) sell surgical facility services; (2) physicians sell physician services; and (3) the economic relationship between the two groups is complementary, with the hospitals and ASCs providing the facility services that the physicians need and the physicians providing the patient referral volume that the facilities need. That complementary relationship shifts, however, when the referring physicians acquire personal financial ownership interests in freestanding health care facilities that compete with the hospital facilities at which the physicians continue to practice. In that case, the physician wears two hats: as a staff member of one facility (the hospital) that depends on the physician for patient volume; and as an investor in another facility (the ASC) that competes with the hospital for patient volume. This creates some economic incentive issues, because it is the physician-investor who refer his patients, at his discretion, to either the ASC facility that he owns or to the hospital facility that he doesnt own.1 In the absence of this ownership interest, the physician chooses between the two facilities on the basis of various factors, presumably ranging from the best interests of the patient to the personal convenience of the physician. But adding a facility ownership interest puts a new variable into the referral equation: The physician makes an extra profit, over and above his fee for the professional services that he provides, when he refers his patient to the facility that he owns.
Our objective here is to illustrate, through a pair of examples, the magnitude and composition of the shift in volume that can happen to a hospital when its surgeons invest in a competing ASC. Our two examples are recent antitrust and staff-privileges disputes. Although we fully appreciate that strong generalizations cannot rest on limited data from two examples, we also appreciate that there is no systematic empirical research literature on the specific competitive phenomenon of our interest. Therefore, showing by example what sometimes happens is a useful precursor to demonstrating statistically what usually happens. One of these disputes was between North Oaks Medical Center and St. Lukes Surgicenter, both located in Hammond, Louisiana; the other was between Avera Health System and Dakota Plains Surgical Center, both located in Aberdeen, South Dakota.2 St. Lukes versus North Oaks. North Oaks is the only full-service acute care hospital in Hammond, Louisiana. St. Lukes is a freestanding ASC owned by several physicians on the North Oaks medical staff.3 St. Lukes became fully operational in December 1996. The hospital was not pleased to see its medical staff physicians set up an alternative facility harmful to the hospitals interests. Conversely, the ASC was not pleased that the hospital had some exclusive contracts with managed care plans, in which the hospital discounted its prices to the plan if the plan designated the hospital as its exclusive health care facility in the area. An antitrust lawsuit ensued. Surgical volume. The relevant data consist of a file on every surgeryinpatient as well as out-patientdone at the hospital over fiscal years 19961999.4 This data file is supplemented by data summaries from which we get a gross count (not broken out by physician) of monthly outpatient surgeries at the ASC over the same period.
Exhibit 1
Outpatient surgery is a different story. Outpatient surgery volume at the ASC rose sharply in 1997, while the volume of hospital outpatient surgery dropped correspondingly. Subsequently, the ASCs volume cooled off for about a year and then rose again in early 1999, while the hospitals volume grew fairly steadily from its diminished post-ASC baseline level.
Referring surgeons.
We are also interested in identifying which surgeons were referring their patients away from the hospital. We see in Exhibit 2
In contrast, the physician-investors outpatient surgical activity at the hospital dropped by about half, inverting the previous outpatient surgery gap between the investors and noninvestors. Nor is this because the physician-investors went into a slump on surgery generally; the inpatient surgical volume in Exhibit 3
OSS versus Avera. In a different dispute, Avera, the only hospital in Aberdeen, South Dakota, was sued by its principal source of orthopedic surgery referrals, the Orthopedic Surgery Specialists (OSS) group. OSS had set up a brand-new surgery facility not far from the hospital in April 1998. In response, Averas board of directors closed the hospitals staff to uninvited new applicants in orthopedic surgery, which had the effect of precluding hospital staff privileges for a new surgeon that OSS recruited to its practice. OSS was displeased with Averas action and brought an antitrust and staff-privileges lawsuit to block it. Compared with the Louisiana example, the relevant data disclosed in the South Dakota proceeding were limited. All that the record reveals is the physician-investors monthly outpatient surgical volume at the hospital before and after they opened their own ASC, which precludes a comparison of investors to noninvestors. But the case is instructive nevertheless, particularly in that the state supreme courts opinion offers some insights into the dilemma of conflicting economic incentives.
The data we have show that the physician-investor hospital outpatient volume fell more sharply in the Avera-OSS episode than it did in the North OaksSt. Lukes example (Exhibit 4
As to the courts overall analysis of the economic incentives in this matter, after the trial and an appeal, the South Dakota Supreme Court offered this assessment: How can a doctor who is a part owner of the for-profit OSS be expected to fulfill his or her duties towards his or her co-workers and in the same instance fulfill the duties towards the principal, [Avera], who is a not for profit hospital? This does not imply ill-will on the part of the doctor, it simply faces fundamental medical issues such as at which institution does the doctor place his or her patients, OSS or [Avera]? We have often stated that an agent cannot serve two masters. This rule applies to medical professionals as well.5 If there is a general lesson to be drawn from this judgment, it is a reconfirmation that courts are capable of recognizing economic-incentive controversies in medical economics and of holding that, at least in some circumstances, responsive measures taken in self-defense are warranted and permissible. These two cases may shed some preliminary light on two considerations that often come up in the antitrust assessment of such events. One is a standard hypothesis in favor of such ASCs that their main effect on incumbent hospitals is a competitive reduction in price, but on balance not a large loss of hospital outpatient surgery volume.6 Contrary to that hypothesis, our examples show a substantial loss of hospital volume. The second consideration is whether any such shift of outpatient surgery volume reflects an across-the-board response by physicians generally, presumably because the new ASC is a clinically superior facility. Our observation in Louisiana is that the volume shift was largely confined to physician-investors who had a financial interest in the ASC.
Physician self-referral puts the hospital at a potentially significant disadvantage when it competes for patients with physician-owned ASCs. At the extreme, a referring physician who responds entirely to these personal financial incentives will send all of his patients to the facility that he owns and none to the hospital at which he practices, with two principal exceptions. One exception is the patient who needs facility services that the hospital has but which the physician-owned ASC does not (for example, overnight inpatient care); the other is the patient who, based upon the level of insurance reimbursement and the severity of illness, is unlikely to pay enough to cover the physician-owned facilitys incremental cost of treatment. These patientsthe unprofitable onesalso get referred to the hospital.7 This unusual competitive setup puts the hospital in a box. The hospital becomes, in effect, a competitor whose mix of business (the patients) is controlled by its competitive rival (the physician-owned facility) through the incentives of those who make the referrals (the physician-investors who wear two hats). The obvious concern with this setup, from the hospitals standpoint, is that the rival facility will get all of the "good" (profitable) patients and the hospital will get only the "bad" (unprofitable) patients. When hospitals attempt to respond to this competitive problem, the solution generally involves limiting the power of the two-hatted physician-investors to split their patients into these two separate pools. One potential solution that some hospitals have attempted (as in our Avera-OSS example) is the denial of staff privileges for physicians who engage in this practice. This approach does not really solve the underlying problem; generally it just passes it on to any other hospitals at which the physician-investors also practice. Even from the specific hospitals perspective, though, this approach has its share of headaches.8 The other potential resolution to the problem (the Louisiana example) is to encourage health plans to deal exclusively with the hospital; that is, to encourage contracts that limit the number of directly competitive facilities included within the health plans provider network. When a given pool of patients is committed to get all of its local care from one hospital facility, then the hospital that wins the exclusive contract for the plans business is protected from the adverse-selection consequences of the conflicting economic incentives of any physician-investors who treat this pool of patients.9 This approach has its own set of drawbacks; the hospital typically will need to discount its prices to the plan in return for the exclusivity, and in any event the hospital may risk lawsuits from excluded facilities.
Given all of this, how do we assess the overall competitive effect on the market of the opening of a physician-owned ASC or of a hospitals response to that event? The instinctive answer of first resort in antitrust analysis is: "Entry is good; the ASC is entry; therefore the ASC is good." Moreover, evidence likely to be offered in support of that syllogism would surely include the fact that at least in the Louisiana dispute, total output as measured by the total volume of outpatient surgeries rose by about 9 percent relative to trend.10 That finding would be relevant because the ordinary economic interpretation of changes in supply is that if market output has risen, then consumer welfare has also risen.11 But in circumstances like this, the inferences for consumer welfare are much more ambiguous, because the increased output coincides with the creation of increased economic incentives for physicians to recommend more procedures to their patients.12 The economic concern is that when a physician profits twice from a procedureonce for his own professional fee, and then once again for his cut of the facilitys feethat physician has a greater personal financial incentive to recommend more procedures than he would have if he were not the referral facilitys owner. This is potentially a problem because the medical value to the patient of these incentive-induced procedures (sometimes referred to as "unnecessary procedures") may be negligible, even though their financial value to the self-referring physician-investor may be substantial.13 There are, of course, many other considerations and complications that could explain these self-referral tendencies.14 For this reason, among others, we do not interpret the body of economic research on physician self-referral to imply either a thumbs-up or a thumbs-down on physician-owned medical facilities in all circumstances. The value of the self-referral research is simply to inform us that although there is a strong general presumption of economic benefit associated with new entry, and an antitrust presumption that an expansion of market output confirms that benefit, the logic of that joint presumption is inapplicable when the new entry is associated with an increase in physician facility ownership and self-referral.
Combined with the well-documented shift of medical care from an inpatient to an outpatient setting, the rise in physician-owned facilities has placed heavy competitive pressure on acute care hospitals. Hospitals have responded to that pressure by pushing back, in one fashion or another. The resultant collisions have sparked antitrust lawsuits in which the conduct of the physician-owned facility (the new entrant) is cast as the force for competition, while the conduct of the hospital (the established incumbent) is cast as the force against competition. This intuitive characterization is undoubtedly apt in many instances; no competitor applauds the launch of a new rival, and an incumbents responses to new entry may include suppressing rather than adapting to the new competition. But the fact that the intuitive characterization is sometimes correct does not imply that the converse characterization is never correct: Adaptive responses to new competition are themselves an element of competition, and the competitive process works more effectively if incumbent competitors are responsive than if they are inert. Put differently, if economic principles imply the approval of new entry, then they equally imply the approval of competitive forms of incumbent response. Our intended contribution to the discussion of these difficult issues is necessarily limited and suggestive, not sweeping and dispositive. It is based not on a comprehensive database, since one does not exist, but on a pair of specific examples. These examples have the modest distinction of being events in which the physician-owned ASC entrant was confident enough to bring an antitrust case against the hospital incumbent. We draw three tentative lessons from the limited empirical evidence here, each of which tends to dispute a generalization rather than to establish one. First, the competitive threat to a hospital from a physician-owned ASC is not necessarily confined to lower prices alone; it also flows from a loss of surgical volume. Second, the hospitals loss of volume is not necessarily led by a favorable across-the-board reaction to the new ASC by all of the surgeons; it may instead be driven disproportionately by the investors who have a stake in the ASCs profits. Finally, in some circumstances a post-entry expansion of overall market output is not necessarily a reliable symptom of procompetitive effects; that inference is considerably more ambiguous when entry is accompanied by an expansion of physicians financial incentives to recommend more medical procedures.
William Lynk is senior vice-president and senior economist, and Carina Longley is an economist, at Lexecon Inc., an economics consulting firm in Chicago. The authors are grateful to Kali A. Davidson and Judy E. Smith for their excellent research assistance, and to two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments.
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