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Employment Transitions And Continuity of Health Insurance: Implications For Premium Assistance Programs
We use data from two nationwide panel surveys to explore whether premium assistance programs can provide stable insurance for low-income children. We estimate that low-income children who are newly enrolled in an employer-group plan would keep that coverage longer than similar children keep newly acquired public insurance. We conclude that group coverage could provide a source of insurance for eligible low-income children that is more stable than public insurance. However, only one-third of low-income uninsured children have access to group insurance, and most low-income children with access to a group plan are enrolled in it. Thus, premium assistance programs are difficult to target effectively, and other programs are necessary to reach the majority of uninsured children.
Researchers and policymakers increasingly recognize the importance of health insurance for the entire family.1 Many believe that the key to insuring all of Americas children is to cover their parents.2 To promote family coverage, a number of states have purchased employer-group coverage for families of low-income children using Medicaid and State Childrens Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) waivers.3 The federal Health Insurance Flexibility and Accountability (HIFA) initiative, introduced in 2001, encourages states to buy into employer-sponsored coverage to expand insurance coverage for low-income families. This approach is intended to promote family coverage and to enable states to extend coverage to more people by leveraging private dollars.4 A critical fact in designing programs to use the employment system to expand health insurance coverage is that employment is not static. When insurance is tied to employment, turnover in employment results in turnover in insurance. However, recent evidence suggests that continuity in coverage and care are just as important as having coverage is in improving access to health care.5 Linking coverage to the workplace will not promote continuity in coverage for some population groups. Job losses are more common among younger, lower-income, and less educated workers. In addition, most new jobs are short-term; about 20 percent last less than three months, and about 50 percent last less than a year.6 This turnover raises the question of when and for whom an employer insurance buy-in is consistent with the policy goal of continuity. Employment turnover also raises states cost of administering employer coverage buy-in programs.7 This paper examines the potential for premium assistance programs to insure low-income children. Although only a small share of the uninsured are eligible, as we demonstrate, such programs could help extend the number of uninsured people that a given public budget can assist. We investigate employment transitions among parents of low-income children who are eligible for group health insurance to predict the likely stability of this coverage. We also examine employees and employers characteristics that are related to employment transitions, to identify groups with stable employment and insurance. Since Medicaid is the primary alternative to premium assistance, we compare the duration of employer coverage to expected duration of Medicaid coverage for children who would be eligible for premium assistance. This provides a benchmark for assessing the expected continuity of such programs. Our analysis can help federal and state policymakers to establish eligibility criteria for premium assistance programs that would promote continuity of coverage and decrease the costs of administration.
Data sources. The data for our study come from two nationwide panel studies of households: the 1996 Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) and three panels of the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey (MEPS). The SIPP sample is a multistage stratified sample of the U.S. civilian noninstitutionalized population. The 1996 SIPP is a four-year panel of about 37,000 households. Households were interviewed twelve times from April 1996 through March 2000. Our analysis sample includes all children and their parents who completed the entire four-year panel. For most analyses we focus on low-income children whose parents were eligible for employer-sponsored coverage at the start of the panel. However, the SIPP data do not definitively indicate jobs in which the parent was eligible for insurance if the parent did not enroll. We imputed eligibility for parents who were not in their group plan, based on the employees hours, business size, and industry. Those working fewer than twenty hours per week were assumed to be ineligible. We assigned offer rates to remaining uncovered workers using probabilities of offer by firm size and industry for uncovered employees estimated from the fifth interview of the SIPP panel. Our estimates of the share of low-income children with access to group coverage are consistent with the estimates from MEPS, based on reports of offer, as shown in the results. This gives us confidence that the error in classification from our imputation is relatively small. Low-income families are those with incomes below 200 percent of the federal poverty level, a common threshold in SCHIP programs. Income is measured at the beginning of the panel to identify those who would be eligible for premium assistance at a point in time; we study subsequent transitions for this population. Our SIPP sample included 2,793 low-income children with access to employer-sponsored insurance, 881 of whom were not enrolled in the group plan. MEPS uses an overlapping panel design, in which the sample selected in any given year is followed for two calendar years.8 For our study, we included the panels initiated in 1996, 1997, and 1998. Each family participated in five rounds of data collection. During each round surveyors collected information on all family members employment and health insurance coverage. MEPS includes a worker-specific question about employer coverage, which reflects the offer of insurance from the employer and the workers eligibility.9 MEPS does not ask whether family members are eligible for coverage in the plan; however, almost all employeesincluding low-wage employeeswho are eligible for coverage are offered the option of family coverage.10 We restricted the MEPS sample to children and their parents who completed the two-year panel: 2,261 low-income children eligible for employer-sponsored insurance, of whom 1,052 were not enrolled in the plan.
We measured the remaining duration of jobs in progress at the initial interview for the primary parent (the parent providing employer-sponsored coverage or the parent working for the largest employer offering coverage). We take this as a measure of the expected length of coverage in the employer plan if the child was enrolled into the plan under a premium assistance program on the date of the interview. Because jobs with insurance coverage are known to last longer than jobs without it, we present job duration separately for families in which the parent and child are both insured by the employer, the parent only is insured, and neither parent nor child is insured.11 The observed differences could reflect differences in the nature of the jobs or the characteristics of the parents in these groups, not just insurance status. To control for these other factors, we fit a multivariate logit model of hazard probabilities for discrete six-month time intervals.12 Hazard probabilities are the likelihood of leaving the job, conditional on still having the job at the time. Each parents job-survival history is cast in six-month periods indicating whether the job ended in the period; the parent has a record for each period in which he or she held the job at the start of the period.13 For the SIPP analysis we have up to seven periods for each person; for the MEPS analysis we have up to three periods.14 We fit the logit model for job duration at the child level for the parents of low-income children with access to group coverage. The explanatory variables included the parents wage rate and indicators for the time period in question; parent or child, or both, covered by the group plan; family income above or below poverty; a new job (held less than one year at the initial interview); firm size; union job; industry; age of the child; and the occupation, education, age, and education of the parent. All of the explanatory variables are measured at the beginning of the panel to investigate how characteristics at the time eligibility is determined affect continuity. We also included interactions of the time-period indicators and new job, and the time periods and firm size.15 Marginal effects are shown as the average, predicted duration for all children in the estimation sample at each value of the characteristic. To provide context for evaluating the implication of job duration for premium assistance programs, we investigated duration of Medicaid episodes for children who would be eligible for premium assistance. For uninsured children, the primary alternative to such assistance is expanded efforts to enroll the child in a public insurance program. Whether a premium assistance program promotes or impedes continuity of coverage for those eligible for premium assistance is relative to their expected continuity if enrolled in public programs. We measured the duration of all new Medicaid episodes (episodes that started after the first interview) among children whose parents were eligible for group coverage at the start of the episode.16 We included new episodes in all public insurance programs in our analysis of Medicaid episodes.17 In the SIPP data there were 768 new Medicaid episodes, and 443 in the MEPS data. We fit discrete-time hazard models for the duration of new Medicaid episodes using the explanatory variables described above, to be able to predict Medicaid duration for a population with the characteristics of the full population of children eligible for premium assistance.18 We use predicted durations from the fitted model, because differences in the characteristics of children starting new Medicaid episodes and all children eligible for premium assistance might bias conclusions based only on observed values. We restricted our prediction sample to those without group coverage, since these are the children that the premium assistance programs are intended to assist. The opportunity to cover all family members in the same private plan might induce some families to move a child enrolled in a public program to the private (employer) plan. In such cases, we want to compare the expected remaining duration in the public plan with the duration of expected coverage in the employer plan. Therefore, we examined the remaining duration of Medicaid episodes in progress at the time of the initial interview among children with access to group coverage. There were 595 such episodes in the SIPP data and 447 in the MEPS data. Again, we fit discrete-time hazard models and adjust the estimates of duration of Medicaid episodes in progress to a population with the mix of characteristics that we observe for low-income children who are eligible for premium assistance.19 All differences described are statistically significant.
Insurance status of children. About 14 percent of U.S. children were uninsured during 19961998, when our study sample members were initially interviewed (Exhibit 1
More than one-third of uninsured children have parents who are eligible to purchase employer coverage. This rate is only slightly lower among low-income uninsured children. Thus, using the employment-based system as a way of extending the number of uninsured children that can be reached with public funds is attractive to many policymakers. However, less than 20 percent of low-income children who might be eligible for premium assistance are uninsured. Thus, premium assistance might also help many children who would otherwise be insured.
Employment duration: parents of low-income children eligible for employer coverage.
Up to one-quarter of parents of low-income children will leave their current job within the year, and 2530 percent will leave within eighteen months (Exhibit 2
After other factors are controlled for, differences in duration among groups defined by their employer coverage status diminish, but duration remains significantly shorter among parents who do not enroll in their employer plan than among parents who enroll themselves and their child (Exhibit 2
Expected remaining job duration is much shorter for new jobs (those that had been held less than a year at the start of the panel) than for longer-held jobs. Exhibit 3
Among the low-income population, being poor (income below poverty) versus near-poor at the start of the panel was not significantly related to remaining job duration, after all other factors were controlled for. Findings concerning remaining duration in small and large firms were mixed. Duration was significantly shorter for parents working in small firms than large ones in the SIPP data, with the differences increasing over time. However, duration was not uniformly related to firm size in the MEPS data.22
Medicaid duration.
Our two data sources provide different pictures of the duration of Medicaid episodes; the SIPP data evidence shorter durations for both new and continuing episodes than the MEPS data do.23 Nonetheless, comparing job duration with the length of Medicaid episodes in both databases suggests that premium assistance programs could provide a more stable source of coverage than public programs for children who have access to group coverage. Based on the MEPS data, only about 30 percent of eligible children would have expected coverage of less than a year if enrolled today in the parents group plan, but about 42 percent would be expected to leave a public insurance program within a year if newly enrolled today (Exhibits 3
Similarly, the remaining duration of Medicaid episodes in progress is predicted to be somewhat shorter than the expected duration of coverage in the employer group plan for children who switch coverage (Exhibits 3
Providing low-income families with assistance to pay their share of the cost of employer coverage is intended to reduce uninsurance among children and promote family health insurance coverage. About one-third of uninsured low-income children have access to employer-sponsored coverage. While premium assistance programs offer a possible solution for only a minority of uninsured children, they remain attractive to many policymakers because they provide a way to leverage private dollars and extend the reach of public dollars. On the other hand, more than half of low-income children who have access to employer coverage are enrolled. Premium assistance for all low-income children who are eligible for group coverage, therefore, is not target-efficient; it may benefit many who are already insured. Restrictions on eligibility based on insurance status would add to administrative costs and raise issues of equity. Many would deem it inequitable to treat people in equal economic circumstances differently. Turnover in employment would affect continuity of coverage under premium assistance programs. However, we found that only one-fourth of children would be expected to have coverage for less than a year, and most of those would have access to a new group plan within four months. For this latter group, coverage may be maintained, although job changes could cause some disruption in the type of coverage and providers. Moreover, administrative factors in qualifying a new employer plan for premium assistance could affect continuity of coverage even for those who move directly to a new job offering insurance. Many believe that by providing health insurance on the job, premium assistance programs would promote attachment to the labor force among low-income parents and reduce turnover.24 Turnover is less frequent among low-income parents with jobs in which both they and their children are enrolled in the employer-group plan than in other jobs eligible for group coverage, which lends some support to this hypothesis. However, when we control for other characteristics, differences in duration associated with insurance status of parent and child diminish. This suggests that there are factors other than nonparticipation in a group plan that lead to greater turnover, and these would persist even with premium assistance. Our results suggest that program assistance may lead to more stable coverage than enrollment in public programs for some children. However, using job duration as a measure of continuity in premium assistance programs assumes that the parent will maintain coverage for the child, even if subsequent income changes make the family ineligible for premium assistance. The shorter duration in public programs could be attributable to income changes that could also affect eligibility for premium assistance. We have not developed a full model to explain turnover in public programs and its relationship to income fluctuations and job duration.25 Further research on turnover in public programs as well as eligibility changes for premium assistance under different design options is necessary to identify the mix of private and public options that would be most effective in expanding coverage and promoting continuity of coverage for different subgroups. For example, rules related to fluctuating incomes to smooth insurance transitions might promote continuity in both public and public-private partnership programs. In addition, we focused only on differences in continuity of coverage between public and private options and not on differences in access to care. Access depends in part on the generosity of benefits. Employer coverage could be less effective than public coverage in improving access for some if the employer coverage includes large deductibles or a less generous scope of benefits. Some states have used income as a criterion in eligibility for premium assistance. Our results suggest that such criteria are not a means for improving continuity of care for the poorest children. Near-poor children are much more likely than the poorest children are to have access to employer coverage (59 percent versus 13 percent in SIPP, 50 percent versus 21 percent in MEPS), but expected continuity of coverage in group plans does not vary with income. However, our results are restricted to children with family incomes below 200 percent of poverty. There could be differences at higher income levels that would support income-related criteria to promote continuity. For example, the Maryland employer buy-in program is open to children with family incomes at 200300 percent of poverty.26
States wishing to limit the administrative cost of premium assistance programs associated with employment and coverage verification for workers who are most mobile might wish to consider waiting periods for new jobs before qualifying for premium assistance and direct the children of such workers to public programs. Job turnover is much higher for jobs that have been held less than a year than for jobs of longer duration. However, even in such cases, our results indicated that the expected duration of coverage in a new employer-group plan would equal or exceed the expected duration of a new episode of public insurance (Exhibits 3 To date there has been limited real experience with employer buy-in programs. Our analysis suggests that these programs have the potential to reach about a third of uninsured low-income children, promote values of family coverage and continuity of coverage, and extend public money by leveraging the private system. However, as we note, effective targeting could lead to complex implementation issues. Participation in programs in states that have adopted these programs has been quite low, perhaps because of these difficulties.27 We have focused only on premium assistance as a means to expand take-up among families eligible for group coverage. Some areas are developing premium assistance programs as a way of trying to encourage more employers of low-income workers to make coverage available; further research is needed to address this approach. With the flexibility offered by HIFA, more states might introduce premium assistance programs, providing the real experience needed to better understand the issues and the potential of these programs to reduce the numbers of uninsured American children.
Susan Marquis is a senior economist at RAND in Arlington, Virginia. Kanika Kapur is an associate economist at RAND in Santa Monica, California. This study was supported by Contract no. J-9-P-7-0045 from the Pension and Welfare Benefits Administration, U.S. Department of Labor (DOL). Any views expressed herein are solely those of the authors, and no endorsement by the DOL or RAND is intended or should be inferred. The authors are grateful to Roald Euller for able assistance in constructing the SIPP data files used in this analysis.
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