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Who Walks Through The Door? The Effect Of The Uninsured On Hospital Use
Hospitals are concerned about the implications of an increase in the number of uninsured people. Using data from the 1999 Medical Expenditure Panel Survey (MEPS), we calculate what percentage of hospital inpatient, emergency department, and outpatient visits are accounted for by uninsured people and predict how those shares would change under three different scenarios. We find that although the burden of the uninsured would remain a severe problem for some hospitals, it would not likely increase much for most of them. This finding reflects the relatively low utilization rates among those most likely to lose coverage: nonelderly, nonpregnant, and nondisabled workers and their families.
The combination of rising numbers of unemployed workers, high and rising health insurance premiums, and tightening state budgets has led many analysts to predict an increase in the number of people without private or public health insurance.1 All health care providers are understandably concerned about the financial implications of such an increase. This paper focuses on what those implications might be for hospitals in the next five to ten years. The impact of an increase in the uninsured population is influenced by several factors: which currently insured people lose their coverage; the change in hospital utilization patterns as a result of that loss; and the differential between the revenue received for the care given to people without coverage and the marginal cost of providing that care. Three scenarios. In this analysis we do not address the financial consequences of changes in the number of uninsured people, but we do predict the likely changes in the share of hospital visits accounted for by uninsured people under three possible scenarios: that the population groups most at risk of losing health insurance in the near future are (1) working adults and their dependents; (2) Medicaid eligibles who were part of the 1990s expansions, particularly nonelderly, nonpregnant, nondisabled adults and children with household incomes above the poverty threshold; and (3) Medicare eligibles ages 6567. Although the richness of benefits could change for those who retain coverage, we hypothesize that state and federal programs providing coverage for hospital services to pregnant women, nonelderly disabled adults and children, and the bulk of the elderly are not likely to be eliminated. Changes already occurring. These hypotheses reflect in part the changes that are already occurring. A recent survey found that small businesses are the most likely to drop coverage.2 As of January 2003 eleven states had implemented or scheduled to implement changes in Medicaid policies that would drop an estimated one million people from coverage.3 Although two states had also proposed cutbacks in Medicaid coverage for the elderly and disabled, the majority of the programmatic changes affected poor and near-poor working families. There have been no calls to make large cutbacks in the disability eligibility criteria for Medicare.
We use two different data sets to look at who walks through the hospital door: the 2000 Nationwide Inpatient Sample (NIS), from the Agency for Healthcare Research and Qualitys (AHRQs) Healthcare Cost and Utilization Project (HCUP); and the 1999 Medical Expenditure Panel Survey (MEPS), also from AHRQ. The NIS. The 2000 NIS provides information on 7.5 million discharges from 994 hospitals located in twenty-eight states that are matched with data from the American Hospital Association (AHA) 2000 survey. The data approximate a 20 percent stratified sample of U.S. community hospitals. The NIS includes selected information about each hospital and the primary expected payer (private insurer, Medicare, Medicaid, patient, and no charge) for each discharge. For this analysis we assumed that if the primary payer was the patient, or if at intake the hospital anticipated no payment and therefore made no charge, the patient was uninsured. Using this information, we estimated the percentage of uninsured discharges for different broad categories of hospitals (by region, type, and size). The NIS does not collect information about hospital emergency department (ED) and outpatient visits. In addition, while rich in details about each discharge, the NIS has very little nonmedical information about each patient and therefore is of limited value in simulating changes in use based on changes in coverage. MEPS. To calculate which people are likely to change their insurance coverage and then simulate accompanying changes in use, we used data from the 1999 MEPS. A national probability survey, MEPS provides information about various individual characteristics, including health insurance coverage, as well as utilization data for hospital inpatient, ED, and outpatient visits during 1999. The MEPS Household Component (HC) sample is drawn from respondents to the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS), a nationally representative survey of the U.S. civilian noninstitutionalized population. MEPS uses an overlapping panel design in which data are collected in six rounds of interviews over two and a half years. The 1999 file contains variables associated with 24,618 people. Of this sample, 23,565 were included in our analyses to generate nationally representative estimates. Information about hospital use for each person was then obtained from the hospital inpatient, ED, and outpatient files. These data allowed us to estimate the distribution of hospital visits according to insurance coverage and simulate how that distribution would change under various policy changes.
Estimates from the NIS. In 2000 the uninsured accounted for almost 5 percent of all inpatient discharges. There is variation around that average, with urban teaching hospitals and hospitals in the South carrying larger shares (Exhibit 1
Estimates from MEPS. Although interesting, the NIS data do not allow us to say much about the characteristics of hospital patients. For that analysis, we turn to the MEPS data. MEPS asks about insurance coverage every month. From this information, we divide the population according to those with full-year coverage, some or all of which was private; those with full-year public coverage; those uninsured between one and eleven months of the year; and those uninsured the entire year.
We provide estimates of the lower and upper bounds for the share of visits accounted for by those without coverage.6 For example, the percentage of inpatient stays for patients without health insurance is at least 5 percent (full-year uninsured) and as much as 13 percent (full- and part-year uninsured combined) (Exhibit 2
Length-of-stay. Of interest to hospitals is not only who walks through the door, but how long they stay. Although length-of-stay is not a perfect proxy for the total cost of services, it can serve as an indication of service intensity. We calculated the average length-of-stay for the population groups studied. Although those with full-year, public-only coverage had a slightly higher average length-of-stay than the other groups, there were no statistically significant differences between any of the groups.
Use of EDs.
Of more concern to many hospital administrators and policy analysts, however, is the use of EDs by those without insurance coverage. Given the relationship between coverage and access to private physicians offices, the ED is often viewed as the source of both nonurgent and urgent care for many without health insurance. We estimated that at least 10 percent of ED visits are made by those without coverage (Exhibit 2 Interestingly, while uninsured peoples share of ED visits is much higher than their share of inpatient stays, it is proportional to the percentage of the population without coverage for the entire year. That is, in 1999, 11 percent of the population was without coverage the entire year, and 10 percent of ED visits were made by this population group. Another 11 percent were uninsured for some part of that year. Even if we assume that every ED visit made by those with part-year coverage was made while they were uninsured, clearly a conservative assumption, the resulting upper-bound estimate of the share of visits accounted for by uninsured people (24 percent) is still proportional to the upper bound of the percentage having no health insurance (22 percent). While some may be surprised by this finding of proportional use, it is consistent with analyses of earlier MEPS data. In both 1997 and 1998 approximately 19 percent of adults ages 1864 with insurance and 20 percent of those without insurance had one or more ED visits.7 Using 1997 and 1999 National Survey of American Families (NSAF) data, Stephen Zuckerman and Yu-Chu Shen found that, controlling for health status and other individual characteristics, the uninsured are significantly less likely to use the ED once or twice in a year than are the privately insured and are no different from the privately insured in their likelihood of being a frequent user.8 Use of outpatient services. Analysts would predict that because of access problems, including the barrier posed by high out-of-pocket prices, people without health insurance are less likely than people with insurance are to use the outpatient department for their medical care needs. The MEPS data support that prediction. We estimate that only 2 percent of outpatient visits are accounted for by the full-year uninsured and an additional 7 percent by the part-year uninsured, well below the proportion of the population lacking coverage all or part of the year.
How changes among the uninsured in the next five to ten years will affect hospitals depends on how the size and the composition of the uninsured population change. Specifically, who is moving from being insured to being uninsured? What are the hospitalization patterns of these people, and how will their use of services change when they lose coverage? To begin to answer these questions, we need to look at who lacks health insurance now and what their patterns of hospital use are, and then make predictions about changes in public and private policies and the resulting changes in coverage and use. In 1999, 215 million people had health insurance for the entire year. Of those, thirty-four million had only public coverage the entire year. For the remaining 181 million fully insured people, at least part of their coverage was privatethat is, either they had private insurance coverage for at least part of the year, or they had both private and public coverage simultaneously (for example, a Medigap policy to supplement Medicare). Thirty million people had coverage of any kind for only part of the year, and thirty-one million were without coverage the entire year. As noted above, most analysts predict that those numbers will increase, and there are early signs that this prediction is correct. The most recent estimates of the size of the uninsured population come from the Census Bureaus 2002 Current Population Survey (CPS) (estimates for 2001). The number of people without coverage grew more rapidly then the number with coverage, yielding a net increase in the number without coverage: 14.6 percent lacked coverage during all of 2001, compared with 14.2 percent in 2000.9 Possible private-sector changes. Most of the decline in coverage reported in the CPS stemmed from a one-percentage-point decrease from 2000 to 2001 in the number of people with employer-sponsored insurance. Because of current increases in the number of unemployed workers and in the number of workers in part-time or temporary positions, we expect the number of people with employer coverage to decline further. In addition, health care costs continue to rise, leading to higher private-sector insurance premiums. In response, some small businesses, already less likely to offer insurance, are dropping coverage, and many large firms are raising their workers out-of-pocket premiums.10 We have evidence that employees will be sensitive to these increased premiums and that more employees at the margin will drop coverage.11 As a result, we expect to see a decrease in the number of employees eligible for employer-sponsored coverage, a decrease in some employers offer rates, and a decrease in workers take-up rates. It is reasonable to expect that members of the population groups more likely to gain insurance during the late 1990s, a period of low unemployment and relatively steady insurance premiums, would be those more likely to lose coverage now. Analysis of the 19962000 MEPS data revealed that although coverage rates differ among different age groups, the relative rates remained constant.12 Similarly, although the percentage of part-time workers without coverage declined from 1996 to 1999, so did the percentage of uninsured full-time workers, yielding no change in the relative rate. However, some groups were more likely to gain coverage. While the percentage of uninsured workers in medium-size and large establishments remained constant from 1996 to 2000, the percentage of uninsured workers in small establishments (fewer than twenty-five employees) declined from 1996 to 1999, then went back in 2000 to the 1996 level. Possible public-sector changes. At the same time that the private sector faces an economic downturn, state and federal budgets are being pinched, tax revenues are declining, and many public program costs are rising. Various state and federal programs are once again being reviewed, and health care program cuts are being considered in virtually every state. During the 1990s most states expanded their Medicaid programs along various dimensions. In 1997 the State Childrens Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) was created, allowing states to further expand their coverage of children in low-income families.13 From 1990 to 2000 the number of Medicaid enrollees almost doubled, from approximately twenty-two million to more than forty-four million.14 Although much of that growth was attributable to expanding eligibility for children and pregnant women who were not receiving cash welfare, the program has grown to include other groups as well.15 However, as Alan Weil put it recently, "After a good run of five years, Medicaid is back in the crosshairs."16 Faced with tight budgets, historically high deficits, double-digit increases in Medicaid spending, and insufficient evidence that managed care can control Medicaids costs, many states may decide to roll back some of the expansions of the previous decade.17 As noted above, to date most of these contractions have affected low-income working adults and their families. The same analysis of 19962000 MEPS data indicated that, although not a statistically significant change, only workers earning less than $10 an hour experienced a decrease in coverage rates, in part as a result of Medicaid expansions.18 "It is not clear whether the uninsureds lower inpatient use also reflects lack of access or less need." The Social Security eligibility age is already going up, from age sixty-five to age sixty-seven, with those first affected turning sixty-five this year. For those born in 1938 who decide to retire when they are eligible for regular Social Security benefits, the wait will be two months longer than beforeuntil two months after their sixty-fifth birthday. Although some policymakers have proposed raising the eligibility age for Medicare, it is not affected by the current Social Security changes and will remain at sixty-five.19 However, given dual pressures on revenues and expenditures, eligibility for Medicare could be pushed back as well. Affected population groups hospital use. We divided the population into four groups for our analysis: elderly (age sixty-five or older); nonelderly and disabled; pregnant; and nonelderly, nonpregnant, and nondisabled.20 We considered a nonelderly person to be disabled if he or she received Medicare or Supplemental Security Income (SSI) because of disability during the year. Although MEPS does not have a convenient variable for pregnancy, we considered a woman pregnant during 1999 if she used any inpatient, ED, or outpatient services related to pregnancy.21 Finally, for one of our scenarios, we also divided children and nonelderly adults according to whether they came from a household at 125 percent or more of the federal poverty level.
The hospital utilization rates of these population groups differ greatly. The elderly have the highest rate of outpatient department use, and the nonelderly disabled have the highest rate of inpatient and ED use (Exhibit 3
There are differences in utilization within this last group according to insurance coverage, however. Although people with full-year coverage having at least some private coverage and people without any coverage have the same probability of making an ED visit, those without any coverage are less likely to have had an in-patient stay and an outpatient visit (Exhibit 4
The higher inpatient rate and lower outpatient rate for people with full-year public coverage versus people with some private coverage suggests that the former have different health care needs. In part, this reflects the fact that only the subgroup of people eligible for Medicaid who use medical care are included as having received Medicaid during the year. Moreover, there is a correlation in this group between poor health status, poor or no jobs, and low income.
Using these base data, we performed three simulations, looking at changes in utilization by the three population groups more likely to experience a decrease in health insurance coverage because of private- and public-sector changes. Private-sector changes. Extrapolating from the one-percentage-point drop in employer-sponsored coverage between 2000 and 2001, we tested a scenario in which 5 percent of the nonelderly, nonpregnant, nondisabled group with employer-sponsored coverage lose their full-year coverage over the next five to ten years. We took a random draw of eight million of the 164 million in this group (5 percent of the total) and randomly assigned four million into the part-year coverage group and the other four million into the full-year uninsured group, reflecting the current fifty-fifty allocation of those having at least some time without coverage. Although not everyone faces the same probability of losing coverage, the 19962000 MEPS data suggest that the probability of losing employer coverage does not vary by age group or full/part-time work status. Rather, small-firm workers are more likely to lose coverage. Predictions according to hourly pay are less clear.22 Taking a random draw of those currently covered by employer-sponsored insurance will introduce bias in our estimates if hospital use varies across the same groups experiencing differential loss of coverage. We do not know the size of the establishment for individual workers, although we do know income. We tested and found no significant difference across income groups in hospital discharge rates or ED use. Lower-income workers are more likely to use the hospital outpatient department, perhaps reflecting a higher tendency of high-income insured workers to use private physicians offices for ambulatory care. As a result of our simulation, there was a 13 percent increase in the number of part-year uninsured people (from thirty to thirty-four months) and an equal increase in the number of full-year uninsured people. Although this seems large, the percentage of the total population in each of these categories increased only one percentage point, from 13 percent to 14 percent. There are two ways to simulate the change in hospital use for this group. One is to assume that utilization reflects only need and that peoples behavior will not change when their insurance coverage status changes. That is, that demand is perfectly inelastic, impervious to the out-of-pocket price. In this case, we can simply add current utilization figures to those of the existing group of uninsured people. The other is to assume that utilization reflects a response to out-of-pocket price as well as need (that is, that the price elasticity of demand is not equal to zero) and therefore that utilization will change when insurance coverage is lost. In this case, we simply inflate the utilization figures of the existing group to reflect an increase in the size of the group. In this way, we provide upper and lower bounds of what will actually happen.
Inpatient stays.
The resulting increase in the share of inpatient stays accounted for by uninsured people is quite small (Exhibit 5
ED use. The increases in ED shares are slightly higher, particularly if we include all visits by part-year uninsured people. Even so, assuming that all ED visits during the year occur when the patients are uninsured and that these people change their behavior in response to losing coverage and mimic the behavior of those currently in this group, the share of ED visits going to those without insurance still increases by only 3.1 percentage points, from 23.9 percent to 27 percent. Although in general we think of the ED as a source of care for people without financial access to private physicians offices and hospital outpatient departments, poor and near-poor adults ages 1864 with insurance actually have 3050 percent higher ED use rates than those without coverage.23 The reverse is true for nonpoor adults: Those without coverage are 1530 percent more likely to have ED visits.24 Outpatient visits. The change in outpatient shares accounted for by the uninsured is particularly sensitive to the assumptions being made. If newly full-year uninsured people do not change their behavior in response to losing coverage, there would be a nearly 40 percent increase in their share of outpatient visits, from 2.1 percent to 2.9 percent. We would not expect this to occur. Rather, we would expect demand to be sensitive to out-of-pocket price and therefore that those who lose coverage would reduce outpatient use. For those who now lack coverage all year, a more reasonable expected response would be a smaller increase in outpatient visits, from 2.1 percent to 2.4 percent. Changes in Medicaid coverage. It is difficult to know precisely which people covered by Medicaid in 1999 were newly eligible because of the Medicaid expansions of the 1990s. Approximately twenty-one million children, eight and a half million adults in families, four million elderly people, and seven million blind and disabled people were covered in 1999.25 We hypothesized that neither the pregnant nor the aged, blind, and disabled were going to lose their Medicaid coverage. It is more likely that states seeking to roll back Medicaid expansions would target the nonelderly, nonpregnant, nondisabled adults and children in families with incomes 125 percent or more above poverty.26 There were approximately 6.7 million children under age twenty-one and 2.9 million adults who fit this category in 1999; 42 percent of those were insured all year with public coverage only, 20 percent were insured all year with some private coverage, and 38 percent were covered only part of the year. We converted those with public coverage only or part-year coverage into full-year uninsured, and those with some private coverage into part-year uninsured, and simulated what this effect would have on hospital use. Some of these people might be able to obtain employer-sponsored insurance. If so, these conversions provide a worst-case scenario. Given the kinds of jobs such people can obtain and the simultaneous decline in small firms offer rates, it is not obvious that the crowding-out rates estimated by some during the 1990s would lead to a symmetric "crowding in" in response to Medicaid rollbacks. In addition, a study that looked specifically at the parental Medicaid expansions found no major crowding-out effects on private coverage.27
The result was a 26 percent increase in the number of people who were uninsured all year and a 6 percent increase in the number of those with part-year coverage. Those moving into the part-year covered group previously had some private coverage and, mirroring the behavior of that group, were less likely to use the ED and more likely to use the outpatient department. Those moving into the full-year uninsured group were more likely to use all three categories of hospital services. Therefore, if these people kept their same hospital utilization patterns even though they were losing Medicaid coverage, the share of all three types of visits would go up by three to four percentage points (Exhibit 5 Changes in Medicare coverage. Following the changes already put into place for Social Securitys retirement age, we simulated what would happen if the Medicare eligibility age were to rise from sixty-five to sixty-eight. There were 5.6 million people ages 6567 covered by Medicare in 1999. Two-thirds also had some private coverage. It is reasonable to expect some of these people to postpone retirement and retain their employer coverage, others to become dependents on their spouses employer-sponsored policy, and still others to qualify for Medicaid. For this simulation, we took those 5.6 million people and changed the distribution of coverage to mimic the distribution of those who were ages 6264 in 1999, putting 74 percent into full-year coverage with some private coverage, 9 percent into full-year public-only coverage, 5 percent into part-year coverage, and 12 percent with no coverage the entire year. The result would add more than a half-million people ages 6567 to the uninsured population. Although the effect on the utilization patterns, and potentially the health status, of these people could be quite serious, the numbers are just too small to have any measurable effect on the share of hospital visits by uninsured people, no matter what we assume about their behavior upon losing coverage or having it only part of the year.
Using 1999 MEPS data, we estimated that the increase in the burden to hospitals resulting from a decrease in insurance coverage, on average, would be relatively small for most hospitals. The actual effect of this burden on any one hospital would depend on its current share of uninsured patients, its reliance on private insurance and Medicaid payments, its mix of inpatient and outpatient revenues, and the marginal cost of treating those additional uninsured patients. Just as the burden of uncompensated care is not evenly distributed among hospitals, so would any increase in that burden not be evenly distributed. Also, because hospitals with disproportionately high shares of uncompensated care are more likely to have high shares of Medicaid patients, any cutbacks in Medicaid coverage would have larger effects on these hospitals. Our results suggest that even large increases in the numbers of uninsured people will not cause overwhelming numbers of uninsured patients to walk through the doors of most hospitals. However, these numbers mask considerable, and important, variation in the share of patients who are uninsured among hospitals. Our data also indicate that the uninsured as a group are less likely to use hospital outpatient services than nonelderly, nonpregnant, and nondisabled adults and children with coverage. It is unclear whether those who lose coverage would continue to use hospital outpatient services, switch to the ED or freestanding health centers for nonemergency care, or stop seeking health care on an outpatient basis.
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the conference, "The American Hospital: What Does the Future Hold?" in Washington, D.C., 21 April 2003. Catherine McLaughlin is a professor in the Department of Health Management and Policy at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor and director of its Economic Research Initiative on the Uninsured. Karoline Mortensen is a research assistant with the initiative.
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