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PROLOGUEThe Origins Of Racial/Ethnic DisparitiesPROLOGUE: Forty years after landmark civil rights legislation in the mid-1960s, persistent racial disparities in health and health care belie the nations avowed commitment to equality. Not all of the news is bad. Impressive improvements in infant mortality, for example, saved black babies in the same proportions as white ones over this period. But overall death rates for African Americans remain 40 percent higher than for whites, as they were in 1960, and many other measures of unequal treatment are just as disturbing. Research supports the commonsense inference that social and economic inequalities account for many of the observed differences in health status and access to care, but "provider and institutional bias" are still major factors, according to a study published by the Institute of Medicine in 2003. The very persistence and intractability of these symptoms may constitute an insidious disincentive to act. But as David Barton Smith shows in the first of the following three papers, effective intervention can be accomplished in part through public policy. In tandem with the federal Civil Rights Act of 1964, Medicares non-discrimination provisions achieved a swift and sweeping desegregation of hospital facilities nationwide, although policymakers stopped short of attempting to integrate doctors offices. When we put our money where our mouths are, it seems, we can get the job done. But when it comes to tackling the full array of socioeconomic determinants that compound the effects of racial discrimination in health care, challenges arise of another order of magnitude. As discouraging as our progress has been in abating racial disparities, we have at least a nominal commitment to pursuing this goal. The social contract in the United States does not, however, include any promise to pursue parity of economic status. On the contrary, our culture celebrates discrepancies in wealth, which grow greater year by year. So, given that health and socioeconomic status (SES) are inextricably intertwined, the declared national goal of reducing racial disparities in health runs afoul of a well-protected right to the lawful pursuit of affluence. The resulting policy conundrums are the subject of the next two papers here, one by David Williams and Pamela Jackson, the other by Ichiro Kawachi, Norman Daniels, and Dean Robinson. Williams and Jackson outline some of the interactions between race, health, and SES and the expanded scope of policy interventions that their analysis implies. Kawachi and colleagues emphasize the neglect of class factors in the analysis of health disparities and in policy making; they propose the use of "health equity impact assessments" to sharpen awareness of race and class effects of health policies. Perspectives on the paper by Williams and Jackson are offered by David Mechanic and by Judith Bell and Marion Standish.
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