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Access And Quality: Does Rural America Lag Behind?
Numerous state and federal programs and policies aim to improve rural health care. This study compares access to and quality of medical care in urban and rural areas from the perspective of physicians and patients, using a broad set of indicators taken from the 20002001 Community Tracking Study (CTS) Physician and Household Surveys. Across most dimensions examined, access and quality in rural areaseven rural counties not adjacent to metropolitan areaswere either equivalent or superior to that provided in urban areas. However, rural residents have greater difficulty obtaining mental health services and generally face greater financial barriers to care.
Strong congressional forces regularly advocate for increased support for rural health care, based in part on perceptions that access to and quality of care in rural areas lag behind those in urban areas. These perceptions derive in part from research showing that per capita physician supply is lower in rural areas and that smaller inpatient facilities there lack some technology-intensive services.1 Also, some believe that lower Medicare payments deter physicians from practicing in rural areas, although payment formulas actually compensate rural physicians better than urban physicians relative to local practice costs. As such, the Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement, and Modernization Act (MMA) of 2003 included funds for rural hospitals and home health agencies and increased Medicare payments to all rural physicians, with additional payments going to those practicing in underserved areas. This is on top of existing federal programs encouraging physicians to practice in underserved areas and subsidies for other rural services. On the other hand, President Bushs proposed fiscal year 2006 budget either greatly cuts or eliminates a number of rural health programs.2 Given this recent policy activity, this is an opportune time to examine differences in rural and urban patients access to and quality of care. We compare health care in urban and rural areas from both physician and patient perspectives. Our assessments do not encompass hospital quality, although we include perceptions of both hospital- and non-hospital-based physicians. In addition to urban-rural comparisons, we also compare how areas that are more or less rural compare with urban areas as well as with each other. With some important exceptions, the general picture that emerges is that across many dimensions, quality and access in rural areas are at least on par with urban areas.
Data are primarily from the 20002001 Community Tracking Study (CTS) Physician and Household Surveys, conducted by the Center for Studying Health System Change. Samples were representative of the population of physicians and civilian, noninstitutionalized individuals in the forty-eight contiguous states (12,406 and 59,725, respectively) in 200001. Samples were clustered in sixty local health care markets, comprising fifty-one metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) and nine nonmetropolitan portions of economic areas defined by the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA), supplemented by a nonclustered sample, comprising roughly 10 percent of all interviews to enhance the statistical power of national estimates.
Detailed information on demographics, insurance coverage, health care use, and attitudes was gathered about all adult family members and one randomly selected child in the Household Survey. The Physician Survey obtained detailed information on demographics, practices, and attitudes for nonfederal patient care physicians providing at least twenty hours of direct patient care per week. Both surveys used telephone interviews, supplemented in the Household Survey with in-person interviews of households without telephones. We classified physicians and patients by the location of their practice or home, respectively. Urban areas are defined as those contained in MSAs; rural areas fall outside of MSAs. We further divided rural areas into those adjacent or nonadjacent to an MSA (Exhibit 1
We confirmed urban-rural differences in physician and patient characteristics found in previous studies (data not shown).4 Female physicians were underrepresented in rural areas (19 percent versus 24 percent in urban areas). Contrary to common perceptions that rural physicians are older than urban physicians, rural physicians tended to be slightly younger. Primary care physicians (PCPs), particularly general and family practitioners, made up a larger portion of the physician workforce in rural than in urban areas (49 percent versus 30 percent). Conversely, specialists made up a smaller portion of the rural physician workforce (23 percent versus 37 percent). Rural physicians were less involved with managed care plans but relied more on revenue from Medicare and Medicaid than their urban counterparts. The supply of physicians, particularly specialists, was much lower in rural areas. There were 5.3 PCPs and 5.4 specialists per 10,000 population in rural areas, compared with 7.8 and 13.4, respectively, in urban areas. Referral patterns between rural and urban areas likely explain some of the difference in specialist supply, since many rural areas were unlikely to be able to support subspecialist practices. Consistent with this, physician supply was greater in nonadjacent rural counties than adjacent ones, although still much lower than urban areas. Conversely, the supply of hospital beds (from American Hospital Association data) was greater in rural areas than in urban areas (36 versus 29 per 10,000 population).5 Rural residents were older and were more likely to be uninsured or covered by public insurance, to have lower incomes, and to be in poorer health on average.6 Generally, residents of counties nonadjacent to metropolitan areas tended to be more disadvantaged than those in adjacent counties, with lower incomes and rates of insurance coverage.
Access to care defies simple measurement; it encompasses both patients care-seeking decisions and system responses once the patient has initiated contact. We framed our comparisons around three sets of potential barriers, which all plausibly point to lower access to care in rural areas. The first set relates to "convenience of use." Because of lower population density and fewer providers in rural areas, patients may wait longer to get appointments, travel longer to see providers, and wait longer in doctors offices. Less convenient access essentially makes care more costly to use. The second set is "provider supply" factors. Having fewer providers in rural areas may make it more difficult to obtain services because physicians are less likely to accept new patients and can charge higher fees, or because physicians themselves will have difficulties getting the services their patients need. The third set of factors, "patient resource constraints," is related to patients demand for services. Because rural patients tend to be poorer and are less likely to have insurance coverage, they are more likely to face financial barriers that discourage seeking care and hinder their providers ability to obtain services for them.7 Hence, the demand for care will be lower in rural areas.
General access measures.
Exhibit 2
Convenience of use. In the CTS Household Survey, patients who had a physician visit in the past year (about 80 percent of all respondents) were asked about their last visit (PCP or specialist), including the time it took to get an appointment and to get to the doctors office and the wait in the office before being seen.
Results were mixed. The average number of days needed to get an appointment with a PCP did not differ significantly between urban and rural patients, but rural patients reported longer waits to get specialist appointments. As expected, the time reported traveling to the physician was longer in rural areas, although differences were not great.8 Travel times to specialists were longer, with a twenty-minute urban-rural differential (Exhibit 2
Household Survey respondents reporting unmet or delayed care needs were asked to list reasons. We identified several related to convenience factors (Exhibit 2
Provider supply.
If the lower supply of physicians in rural areas affects access to care, this might be reflected in fewer rural physicians accepting new patients. Although there was little urban-rural difference in the percentage of physicians accepting new private patients, rural physicians were more likely to accept new Medicare, Medicaid, and uninsured patients. They also provided more charity care, although differences are not statistically significant (Exhibit 2
Although highly important, getting in to see a physician does not guarantee access to care. Physicians have to be able to obtain the needed services. We next show the percentage of physicians indicating that they had difficulty obtaining various services for their patients.9 Surprisingly, rural physicians were less likely than their urban counterparts to report problems obtaining needed services (Exhibit 2 The Physician Survey asked physicians who indicated difficulties obtaining these services how important the lack of qualified providers (or facilities), health plan networks or administrative procedures, or patients with no or inadequate insurance coverage were in explaining these difficulties. Results suggest that urban and rural physicians differed in the reasons contributing to problems obtaining needed services (data not shown). Among those indicating problems obtaining services, the lack of qualified providers was more often cited as an important factor by rural than urban physicians in the case of specialist referrals (85 percent versus 40 percent), mental health outpatient services (88 percent versus 66 percent), and hospital admission (37 percent versus 29 percent), although the last comparison was significant only at the 10 percent level. We next assess whether patients perceived an inadequate supply of physicians. Patients were asked whether they were satisfied with their choice of PCPs and specialists. Little difference was found in responses between urban and rural respondents. These comparisons might be confounded by greater health maintenance organization (HMO) penetration in urban areas. When we compared satisfaction with physician choice separately for those insured by HMO and non-HMO plans, we found that rural patients covered by non-HMOs were less likely than their urban counterparts to be dissatisfied with the choice of specialists.
Patient resource constraints.
As indicated, rural residents were poorer and less likely to have insurance coverage than urban residents, which suggests that they will face greater resource constraints in accessing care.11 Indeed, the percentage of people reporting out-of-pocket health care spending in excess of 5 percent of income was much greater in rural than urban areas (Exhibit 2
When Household Survey respondents who indicated they had unmet or delayed care needs were asked to list reasons, the most prevalent reason given by both urban and rural residents was concern about the cost. Rural residents were much more likely than urban residents to give this response, which suggests that patients financial differences figure prominently in urban-rural access-to-care differences (Exhibit 2 Urban-rural differences in utilization. Although often used to indicate access to care, use of health care provides an imperfect measure. This is because we do not know what the "right" level of use is and because overuse of services is common (and potentially harmful). We examined selected annual health care usage measures for urban and rural patients. Because there were significant population differences across urban and rural areas that were likely to affect the demand for health care, we present regression-adjusted means that control for demand-side factors: age, sex, income, health status, family composition, and type of insurance coverage. Adjusted means provide a better indicator of usage differences attributable to disparities in the provider supply, including the effect on convenience of use. However, additional unmeasured patient-demand factors, such as cultural differences, could also account for the remaining urban-rural differences.
Rural residents had more adjusted annual hospital admissions (excluding for births) than urban residents, although the total length-of-stay did not differ significantly (Exhibit 2
Findings were mixed regarding outpatient utilization. Use of hospital emergency departments for conditions not requiring an overnight stay serves as an indicator of access to outpatient care, but little difference between urban and rural residents was found.12 On the other hand, rural residents were found to have fewer outpatient visits (Exhibit 2
For this study, we lacked specific clinical measures of health care quality and relied mostly on physicians and patients perceptions. One objective measure, although limited, is physician board certification.13 Rural specialists were less likely than urban specialists to be board certified, although no differences were found among PCPs, who figure more prominently in the care of rural residents than urban residents (Exhibit 3
Physicians were asked how much they agreed with statements related to their ability to provide high-quality care (Exhibit 3 Generally, rural PCPs treated a broader range of conditions and were more likely than urban PCPs to staff emergency departments. One concern is whether the scope of care rural PCPs are expected to provide without referral is broader than it should be. Rural PCPs do not perceive this to be the case. PCPs were asked whether the complexity or severity of patients conditions for which they provided care without referral to specialists was greater than it should be, about right, or less than it should be. Although 28 percent of urban PCPs indicated it was greater than it should be, only 22 percent of rural PCPs did so.15
Greater perceived quality among rural physicians was confirmed by patients reports. Patients with a doctors appointment in the past year were asked how much they trusted their doctor to meet their medical care needs and were asked to rate the thoroughness of the exam during their last physician visit and how well their physician explained things. In each case, rural patients gave more positive responses about their physicians, although differences were small and only significant at the 10 percent level. However, rural patients were slightly more likely than their urban peers to indicate that their physician might be performing unnecessary tests and procedures (Exhibit 3
Only a few access indicators differed significantly between adjacent and non-adjacent rural counties (Exhibit 2
Limitations. This study is unique in bringing together both physicians and patients perspectives and in employing a broad set of access and quality indicators; however, it does have limitations. First, by reporting means across large geographic divisions, we provided a broad picture but could not address the considerable variation likely within both urban and rural areas. Second, some of the access measures and nearly all of the quality measures were subjective in nature. Urban-rural differences in these measures could be affected by differing cultural values, experiences, expectations, and standards among respondents. Physician/patient perspectives. In general, physicians and patients provided concordant perspectives on access to and quality of care in urban and rural areas. While perceived quality was consistently found to be superior in rural areas, a more complex picture emerged with respect to access. Because rural residents were poorer and less likely to be insured than their urban peers, they faced greater access problems related to cost. This suggests that policymakers should employ policies aimed at increasing low-income patients purchasing power by expanding safety-net, income assistance, or public health insurance programs. Even broad-based reforms not specifically targeted to rural areas would alleviate some of the disparities we observed. These "demand-side" access problems could be somewhat mitigated by rural physicians greater willingness to serve these patients. Although rural physicians worked longer hours than urban physicians, they appeared to be more willing to accept patients for whom they were likely to obtain little or no compensation: Medicaid recipients and the uninsured.17 This could be in recognition that few, if any, local alternatives exist; however, rural physicians greater willingness to treat disadvantaged patients could also reflect greater "social capital" in rural areasthat is, the "norms and networks that enable collective action."18 Although rural areas have far fewer physicians than urban areas, our results suggest that in 200001, overall rural supply was adequate to provide access to care on par with that in urban areas. Lower rural supply does not necessarily imply inadequate supply, as geographic differences may reflect oversupply in urban areas or differences in patients demand for care.19 Moreover, for some specialized services, it is reasonable to expect that rural patients will use urban providers. If the supply of rural providers were inadequate, we would expect that patients would have to wait for appointments and that physicians would be unable to obtain needed services for their patients. We observed neither of these situations. Longer travel distances to providers also could be an implication, although this would also be expected because of lower population densities in rural areas. Generally, we saw little evidence suggesting that an inadequate supply of providers prevented rural patients from obtaining needed care. Some evidence does point to localized areas of shortage, however. One area where provider shortages did appear to be pervasive is mental health. Rural physicians reported greater difficulties getting these services for their patients and were more likely to cite supply problems as the reason. Moreover, rural patients reported fewer mental health visits than their urban counterparts. Rural health care policy is in a state of flux. With respect to demand-side programs, Bush administration support for additional community health centers will alleviate patient resource constraints in many rural areas, while proposed Medicaid cuts, which are much larger in magnitude, would likely have the opposite effect for at least some segments of the rural and urban low-income populations. On the supply side, MMA contained some $17 billion over ten years in rural health care subsidies, the price of obtaining key Senate support for the Medicare drug benefit. (Our results predate MMA implementation.) The MMA subsidies mostly benefit small rural hospitals, although the Medicare Bonus Payment Program, for physicians practicing in designated shortage areas, was enhanced; the Medicare fee formula was altered to increase payments to physicians practicing in low-cost, mostly rural areas; and payments to some other providers were raised. However, the MMA provisions are now being used to justify deep cuts or elimination of a number of other rural health programs in the administrations FY 2006 budget. Although our results do not allow us to make assessments about the appropriate level of support for rural health care, they do suggest that cuts in low-income entitlement programs, such as Medicaid, will have a disproportionate effect on rural populations, where enrollments relative to the size of the population are higher. Our results also suggest that subsidies directed to rural health care providers would be best targeted to those geographic areas with demonstrated shortages. This suggests, for instance, that enhancements to the geographically targeted Medicare Bonus Payment Program and some of the smaller programs slated for cuts or elimination may have greater effects on access to care in rural areas than the MMAs broad-based physician payment formula changes and critical-access hospital provisions. Finally, broad-based programs might be appropriate when they are focused on a specific type of service, such as mental health care, for which widespread and serious problems have been shown to exist in rural areas.
James Reschovsky (jreschovsky{at}hschange.org) is a senior health researcher at the Center for Studying Health System Change in Washington, D.C. Andrea Staiti is a health research analyst there. Support for this research came from the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation through its funding of the Center for Studying Health System Change. The authors thank Cynthia Saiontz-Martinez, Ellen Singer, and Valeriy Bakaushin of Social and Scientific Systems for their programming assistance as well as Len Nichols, Paul Ginsburg, Keith Mueller, and the anonymous reviewers for their comments on earlier drafts.
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