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The Graying Of Group Health Insurance
We examine differential declines in private insurance by income and age. We show that older, higher-income people in working families are more likely to retain private coverage as premiums rise, and we project these effects on future coverage rates. The analysis suggests that trends are leading to the "graying" of the employment-based health insurance system, where older, higher-income people get private health insurance, and others increasingly have public coverage or go without. These changes raise questions about the private health care systems ability to pool health risks. Population aging could interact with rising premiums and place additional pressure on an already strained employment-based health insurance system.
A LARGELY PRIVATE HEALTH INSURANCE SYSTEM is the hallmark of the U.S. health care system, with public coverage for the elderly and the poor. Although total spending is high, so the argument goes, at least most of the people are insured privately. That conception of health insurance is certainly true historically, but it is less true today. And, as we discuss, it will be increasingly less true in the future. Increases in medical costs are driving rates of private coverage down and rates of public coverage and uninsurance up. Current trends are leading to what we term the "graying" of the group health insurance systemin which older, higher-income people get private coverage, and others increasingly have publicly sponsored coverage or go without coverage altogether. Although the employment-based health insurance system has its proponents and its critics, many can agree that a key feature of the system is its role in creating groups to pool health risks. Yet there is some reason to question whether the risk-pooling feature is changing as group coverage rates decline. Private coverage has been in a slow decline since the late 1980s, and younger and lower-income groups have disproportionately lost coverage.1 Between 2000 and 2004, for example, declines in employment-based coverage were steepest for younger and low-income people, while coverage rates for older nonelderly adults (ages 5564) increased slightly.2 Depending on which types of people lose coverage, declines in group coverage could affect the stability of the system over time. If those with systematically lower spending are more likely to lose coverage over time, the effects of increasing costs and declining coverage could be multiplied. In this paper we extend prior analyses to consider the future of group health insurance. We present new analyses and draw from existing studies to provide suggestive evidence that ongoing changes could affect the future composition of the population with group coverage. Our analysis suggests that well before we see the much-anticipated effects of the baby-boom generations retirement on Medicare and Social Security financing, population aging combined with rising premiums could place more pressure on an already strained employment-based system.
Data source and study sample. We began by assessing changes in private coverage for people in working families overall and by income and age groups. We used data from the March Current Population Survey (CPS) to consider three time periods: 19881993, 19951999, and 20002004. Changes to the wording of CPS health insurance questions mean that data from the three different periods are not strictly comparable across periods.3 Also because of CPS changes, we examined trends in all private coverage, not just employment-based coverage, which captures possible substitution into individual coverage. We limited the sample to people in working families to include those who might have access to group health insurance through current employment. We classified families into health insurance units, the typical unit in which insurance is purchased. We defined working families as health insurance units with one or more workers age twenty or older, working in private- or government-sector jobs in the past year, who are not self-employed.
Overall coverage patterns.
As other studies have shown, coverage rates declined before 1993 and after 2000, both periods of a weakening economy and health care cost growth, and increased during the late 1990s, a period of strong economic growth and slowing health care cost growth (Exhibit 1
The bulk of private coverage is obtained through employment. To examine how differential trends affect employment-based coverage specifically, we examined CPS data for 20002004. We were limited to the more recent set of years because of changes to the CPS in earlier years that limit data comparability for group coverage rates by age and income.5
Coverage differentials by age, income, and health status.
Younger and lower-income groups experienced greater group coverage declines than did the oldest and highest-income groups, resulting in widening differentials between the two (Exhibit 2
People in low-income families were much less likely than those in high-income families to have group coverage in 2000, and this differential widened still further by 2004 (Exhibit 2
Differentials widened for all age and income groups relative to the oldest and highest-income groups, respectively, and the changes were statistically significant (Exhibit 2 Composition of the insured pool. These trends, when combined with changes in the age and income distribution across the population in working families, yield changes in the composition of the insured pool. For example, between 2000 and 2004, the average age of people with group coverage in working families rose 1.2 years to age thirty-two, compared with an increase of 0.5 years to age twenty-seven for the population without group coverage (data not shown). To our knowledge, changes in the composition of group coverage have received limited direct investigation in the research literature, although the potential for declining risk pooling could hold important consequences for ongoing changes in group coverage.
The "graying" effect.
To further explore composition changes, Exhibit 3
Comparing these changes shows that the group coverage population is "graying," becoming older as well as wealthier at a rate greater than that of the population overall. If there were no systematic attrition, the share of the group coverage population over age forty-five would have risen three percentage points, the same as the increase in the total working-family population. In fact, it rose four percentage points, which suggests that the shifting composition reflects the combination of changes in the overall population and differential coverage declines for younger relative to older people.
Income changes.
The share of the group coverage population with the highest incomes increased 0.8 percentage points to 53 percent from 2000 to 2004, despite the fact that the share of this income group declined 0.8 percentage points to 43 percent of the working-family population overall (Exhibit 3 Health status changes. Finally, in 2004, people in excellent or very good health constituted 75.4 percent of people with private group coverage in working families, slightly more than their 72.7 percent share of all people in working families. There was no systematic decline in coverage by health status. Both the share of those with group coverage and the share of the population in good or excellent health declined about 0.5 percentage points. Although the results merit further investigation using other data sets and additional years of data as they become available, these analyses suggest that factors beyond labor-force participation and demographic changes are contributing to changes in the age and income composition of the population with group coverage. Next we examine some possible explanations.
We next consider the likely course of coverage changes into the future. We emphasize the role of rising premiums and differential effects across age and income groups. Studies using a range of approaches have concluded that although economic conditions affect short-term changes in coverage rates, rising health care costs, rather than labor-market shifts or public coverage expansions, are the major factor in long-term private coverage declines.7 Previous analyses. In our own previous work, we used city-level variation in employer health premiums, adjusted for benefit differences, and found that rising premiums accounted for about two-thirds of the overall decline in insurance coverage over the 1990s, controlling for labor-market, demographic, and policy factors. In further work we suggested that declines in response to rising premiums are greater in areas with greater charity care availability, particularly so for lower-income people and younger adults.8 Sherry Glied and Kathrine Jack used state-level variation in Medicare spending per capita (excluding home health care) and also found that rising costs, as well as periods of economic downturn, are associated with private coverage declines, with greater declines in response to rising costs among less-educated groups.9 Richard Kronick and Todd Gilmer used national measures of health spending per capita and found that rising health spending as a share of workers earnings accounted for nearly all of the decline in workers job-based coverage between 1979 and 1995, with similar results for more recent years.10 Effects of higher premiums on coverage for working families. We extended our prior work to examine the role of rising premiums in private coverage declines for people in working families across multiple age and income groups, controlling for demographic, labor-market, and policy factors.11 We used premium data from the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF)/Health Research and Educational Trust (HRET) annual Survey of Employer-sponsored Health Benefits and adjusted for benefit differences such as plan design and services offered. We used March CPS data on insurance coverage in different metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) at the beginning and end of the 1990s (19891991, 19982000). We used the CPS data to control for individual and family characteristics, including basic demographics, income, and employment characteristics. We also controlled for factors including state tax rates, uncompensated care availability, Medicaid and State Childrens Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) changes for children, state insurance reforms, and the percentage of working women in an MSA. We ran probit regressions for the working-family population overall and separately by age and income groups.12
In contrast to younger and lower-income groups, rising premiums have limited effects on rates of coverage for the oldest and highest-income groups. A $1,000 increase in premiums is associated with a 3.8-percentage-point decline in private coverage overall. Young adults (ages 1829) experience a steeper-than-average decline, while older adults (ages 4564) have essentially no decline associated with rising premiums (Exhibit 4
Projected effects of higher premiums on coverage rates. We then projected how rising costs will affect private coverage between 2000 and 2015 for people in working families, by income and age. We assumed that health costs grow at the rate predicted by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS). Specifically, we calculated average annual growth in national health spending and gross domestic product (GDP) between 2000 and 2015. The projected average annual health spending growth is 2.6 percentage points above the projected GDP growth. We projected how coverage would change if premiums rose 2.6 percent annually for fifteen years, holding income and all other characteristics constant.
In the highest age and income categories, rising premiums have limited effects on projected private coverage rates for people in working families, holding other characteristics constant (Exhibit 5
These projections suggest that the composition of the population with private coverage will continue to shift toward older and wealthier people as health care costs rise in the future. Because these projections focus only on the role of rising premiums and hold other factors constant, changes in other factors, such as economic conditions or policy changes, might also affect group coverage rates in the future. For example, such factors could explain differences between the limited projected effects of rising premiums for the highest age and income groups, compared with small observed declines in the historical trends. We based our projections on rising premiums, which are identified in prior research as the major factor in long-term coverage declines.13
In addition to the projected changes attributable to rising premiums, the group coverage population is also likely to become older as the baby-boom generation moves through the upper ages of the workforce. Aging of the baby boomers will result in an increased share of the population ages 4564. Compared with 2000, this age group will increase by about twenty-one million by 2015.14 Thus, the composition of group coverage would be expected to shift toward older adults even absent the effects from rising premiums.
Even if the population with employment-based coverage remains quite healthy, costs of coverage could increase as the average age of people with group coverage rises. A simple approximation multiplying average health spending per age category for people with private coverage to the change in age composition in group coverage between 2000 and 2004 (the last column of Exhibit 3 IN CONTRAST TO SUBSTANTIAL POLICY ATTENTION to the implications of population aging for Medicare and Social Security, the potential consequences of population aging for group health insurance have received little consideration. Well before we see the effects of baby boomers retirement on Medicare and Social Security financing, population aging combined with rising premiums could place more pressure on an already strained employment-based health insurance system.
Patricia Keenan (patricia.keenan{at}yale.edu) is an assistant professor in the Department of Epidemiology and Public Health, Yale University School of Medicine, in New Haven, Connecticut. David Cutler is the Otto Eckstein Professor of Applied Economics and dean, social sciences, at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Michael Chernew is a professor in the Department of Health Care Policy, Harvard Medical School, in Boston. The authors acknowledge funding support from the Economic Research Initiative on the Uninsured and the National Institute on Aging.
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