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Tax Subsidies For Employment-Related Health Insurance: Estimates For 2006
Employment-related health insurance is subsidized through exemptions from federal and state income taxes, as well as from taxes for Social Security and Medicare. Proposals to modify this subsidy are a perennial subject of policy debate. We present tax-subsidy projections from a new data resource constructed using a statistical linkage between the establishment and household components of the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey (MEPS). We project that the total federal and state tax subsidy in 2006 for employment-related coverage of active workers will exceed $200 billion. We present per worker tax-subsidy estimates and an analysis of insurance incidence by establishment characteristics.
EMPLOYMENT-RELATED COVERAGE IS THE PREDOMINANT form of health insurance in the nonelderly, civilian, noninstitutionalized U.S. population. In 2003, 70.1 percent of all adults and 61.5 percent of all children held employment-related coverage at some point during the year. Among those with private coverage from any source, 94.6 percent of adults and 94.0 percent of children held employment-related coverage.1 Current tax law provides strong subsidies to this coverage: Employer premium contributions and an increasing share of employee premium contributions are exempt from federal and state income taxes and employer and employee Social Security and Medicare taxes (FICA). This subsidy has tremendous policy importance. Recent estimates by the Department of the Treasury show that the federal income tax component alone ranks first among all "tax expenditures" and is more than one and a half times as large as the federal income tax expenditure on mortgage interest.2 Tax subsidies have helped strengthen incentives for employment-based risk pooling during a period of rapidly rising costs.3 Nevertheless, economists have long criticized the design of the tax subsidy for encouraging excessive levels of coverage and excessive medical care consumption.4 Moreover, numerous researchers have criticized the subsidy for primarily benefiting higher-income families, raising concerns about both equity and the efficiency of providing the largest subsidies to families that are the least likely to be uninsured or on public coverage.5 Developing sound public policy regarding the tax treatment of employment-related coverage requires accurate estimates of the subsidies cost and incidence. This paper presents estimates from a new model that synthetically links the establishment and household components of the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey (MEPS) and projects those data forward to 2006. Our aggregate estimate of the federal and state tax subsidy for employment-related health insurance premiums in 2006 is $208.6 billion. This estimate is approximately in line with other federal government estimates for 2006, as well as estimates for 2004 (appropriately inflated) by John Sheils and Randall Haught.6 In addition to providing updated estimates, the papers main contribution is that the MEPS data support detailed estimates of premiums, enrollment, and tax subsidies for subgroups of establishments categorized by firm size, full-time versus part-time employment, wage level, and most states. The results thereby provide information that is critical to gauging the differential impact of proposals that would alter the tax treatment of employment-related health insurance.
MEPS database. Estimating the tax subsidy for employment-related health insurance requires data on employer and employee premium contributions, as well as data to support marginal tax rate simulations, including each workers income by type from all sources (including spouses), family composition, and itemizable deductions. Unfortunately, no single nationally representative data source contains all of these data elements, so researchers must combine information from multiple sources. In contrast to previous models, which typically rely on several sometimes outdated data sets, our access to confidential MEPS Insurance Component (MEPS-IC) data offered a relatively simple approach. In essence, we used data on workers from the MEPS Household Component (MEPS HC) to form synthetic workforces for each establishment in MEPS-IC. Although other approaches yield reliable national estimates, our model preserves to the greatest possible extent the correlations between establishments and workers characteristics, enabling us to provide estimates by detailed establishment characteristics. MEPS-IC is an annual survey containing data on more than 32,000 private and public establishments in 2002. It is conducted by the U.S. Bureau of the Census under the sponsorship of the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ).7 Because of the large sample size and high response rate, MEPS-IC is the leading source of data on employment-related insurance, including eligibility, enrollment by plan type, employer and employee premiums, and whether employee contributions are tax-preferred under Section 125 of the Internal Revenue Code.8 MEPS HC is an annual, nationally representative sample of the U.S. civilian, noninstitutionalized population sponsored by AHRQ and the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS).9 It provides detailed information on insurance coverage, medical care spending, and a wide range of other health-related and socioeconomic characteristics. To obtain a sufficient sample of workers, we pooled MEPS HC data from 20002002. Data linkage. For each MEPS-IC establishment, we selected MEPS HC workers who matched as nearly as possible the establishments region, industry, and size and whether the firm had multiple establishments. We then fine-tuned each establishments synthetic workforce by adjusting workers sampling weights to align as closely as possible with the establishments reported percentage of employees who were eligible for coverage, enrolled in each plan type, in each of three wage groups, full time, age fifty and older, male, and unionized.10 We projected this enhanced data set to 2006 from 2002, the MEPS-IC sample year, adjusting MEPS-IC sampling weights to account for employment growth and changes in share of covered workers.11 We also adjusted employer and employee premiums for single and nonsingle coverage to reflect premium growth over this period.12 Tax rate simulation. We simulated marginal tax rates using MEPS HC data on each workers family and the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) TAXSIM model.13 Our focus was the tax subsidy for employer coverage, and we did not estimate tax subsidies on contributions to health savings accounts (HSAs), medical expenses paid for through flexible spending accounts, or deductible medical expenses in excess of 7.5 percent of adjusted gross income.14 Any change in the tax treatment of employment-based health insurance would likely affect these other subsidies. In particular, we did not adjust our estimates for the likely increase in medical expense deductions that would occur if the tax subsidy were removed entirely while leaving the existing itemization rules intact. We believe that our approach is appropriate when studying the magnitude and distribution of the tax subsidyin contrast to analyzing the budgetary impact of a specific legislative proposal. All results were weighted to be nationally representative of active employees in U.S. establishments. Retiree and self-employment coverage were excluded. All standard errors and statistical tests were adjusted to account for the complex design of MEPS-IC. Standard errors do not, however, reflect the variation introduced by statistical matching with MEPS HC, errors in simulating marginal tax rates, or adjustments made in projecting the data to 2006. Thus, reported standard-error estimates are likely to overstate the precision of our results.
Aggregate tax subsidy. The total tax subsidy or "tax expenditure" for the employer coverage of active, non-self-employed workers for 2006 is $208.6 billion (in 2006 dollars) (Exhibit 1
Distribution of subsidy by establishment type. The great majority of the tax subsidy$166.6 billion, or 79.9 percentflows to private establishments and their workers (Exhibit 1
Average tax subsidy per worker.
The average subsidy for all workers (regardless of eligibility or coverage) is $1,585 (Exhibit 2
Tax subsidy by establishment characteristics. These findings, shown in Exhibit 3
Sector The largest per worker subsidy is in the federal sector, primarily reflecting the fact that virtually all federal workers are eligible for coverage through the Federal Employees Health Benefits (FEHB) program. Moreover, the average subsidy per covered federal worker is $625 more than that per covered private-sector worker. This is somewhat surprising given that FEHB premiums for family and single coverage are generally lower than premiums in the private sector. The main explanation is that federal workers are more likely than private-sector workers to have family coverage rather than single or employee-plus-one coverage, so that premiums per covered worker are higher in the federal sector than in the private sector.16 Another contributing factor is that the average subsidy rate per premium dollar is greater in the federal than in the private sector. Firm size Of particular interest are the private-sector results by establishment characteristics. Clearly, the subsidy disproportionately flows to workers in large firms. The average subsidy per worker in firms with 1,000 or more employees is $1,886, which is roughly two and a half times the $770 subsidy per worker in firms with fewer than ten employees. This is primarily because small firms are less likely than large firms to offer coverage. More than three-fourths of workers in the largest firms were eligible for coverage, versus only 38.4 percent in the smallest firms. Workers in the largest firms also have higher take-up rates conditional on being eligible, higher average subsidy rates per premium dollar, and higher average subsidies per covered employee. These differences, while statistically significant, are small relative to the difference in the share who are eligible. Full-time versus part-time Differences in the subsidy per worker are even more pronounced when we compare establishments by the percentage of workers who work full time versus part time. In establishments where less than 25 percent of all workers work full time, the average subsidy per worker is only $244. This is primarily attributable to the small share of eligible workers in these establishments. In addition, the average subsidy among covered workers in these establishments is $2,21221 percent less than the average subsidy to covered workers in establishments with the highest percentage of full-time employees. Distribution by income level As noted in the literature, the incidence of the tax subsidy is regressive, because of the fact that higher-income workers have higher marginal tax rates, higher coverage rates, and higher premiums. Our results for workers in establishments grouped by predominant wage level are consistent with this finding.17 In establishments where more than half of workers are high-wage (earning more than $23.07 per hour in 2006 dollars), the per worker subsidy is $2,525, and the subsidy per covered worker is $3,283. In contrast, in establishments where workers are predominantly low-wage (earning less than $10.43 per hour), the per worker subsidy is $637, and the subsidy per covered worker is $2,268.
Distribution across industries
The tax subsidy is also unevenly distributed across industries. The industries with the lowest per worker tax subsidies (ranging from $781 to $1,189) are agriculture, fisheries, and forestry; other services; retail trade; and construction (Exhibit 3
Multivariate results.
To provide additional insights into these private-sector differences, Exhibit 4
State-level estimates. We see in the states a pattern in which per worker tax subsidies decline as one moves westward. States with the highest average per worker subsidies tend to be located in the Northeast, East North Central, South Atlantic, and East South Central regions (Exhibit 5
Comparisons with prior estimates. Our results confirm previous findings that the tax subsidy is large and unequally distributed across establishments. We project the aggregate tax subsidy for employer-sponsored insurance among active workers in 2006 to be $208.6 billion, or $2,788 per covered worker. Our aggregate estimates are approximately in line with published U.S. government projections. Our estimate of federal income tax expenditure is $111.9 billion$20.6 billion less than the most recent Treasury estimate of $132.7 billion for 2006.18 That estimate, however, includes tax expenditures on retiree coverage, which Sheils and Haught estimated were 6.9 percent of total federal income tax expenditure in 2004.19 Adjusting our estimate for retiree coverage explains nearly half of the difference between our estimate and Treasurys, the remainder being largely due to Treasurys inclusion of tax expenditures for flexible spending accounts, TRICARE, workers compensation, and in-plant employer health care. In contrast, our federal income tax expenditure estimate is $20.3 billion larger than the $90.6 billion estimate by the Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT).20 In contrast to our approach and Treasurys, the JCT assumes that absent the existing tax exclusion, workers could treat employer and employee premium contributions as out-of-pocket medical expenses in itemizing medical expenses exceeding 7.5 percent of adjusted gross income. Thomas Selden and John Moeller estimated that adjusting for increased itemization reduces federal tax expenditure estimates for 1996 by 27.9 percent.21 Adjusting our 2006 estimate using the increased itemization and retiree coverage percentages yields a federal income tax subsidy estimate of $94.0 billionmuch closer to the JCT estimate. We conclude that although basic differences complicate direct comparisons, our results are approximately in line with published government estimates on federal income tax expenditures. Long-term increase. Our estimates highlight the substantial long-term increase in tax expenditures for health insurance. Looking back nearly two decades, the total tax subsidy in 1987 was only $81 billion (inflated to 2006 dollars).22 The corresponding estimate for 1996 is $105 billion (inflated to 2006 dollars).23 Part of the 157.6 percent real increase between 1987 and 2006 can be attributed to the 33.4 percent increase in aggregate U.S. employment.24 Most of the increase over time, however, is due to rising premiums. Indeed, the average tax subsidy rate per dollar of premiums held virtually constant over this period. The average subsidy rose a statistically insignificant amount, from 35.3 percent in 1987 to 35.4 percent in 2006, as declining federal marginal income tax rates were offset by rising marginal FICA tax rates, as well as increased tax exclusion of employee contributions. Employment-related risk pooling. Employment-related risk pooling entails sizable and growing transfers of income from workers with low expected costs to higher-risk workers. Using 1987 data from the National Medical Expenditure Survey (NMES), Alan Monheit and colleagues showed that the tax subsidy at that time offset a large share of the gap low-risk workers faced between premiums and expected claims, thereby providing an inducement for them to participate in employer coverage.25 Given the rapid growth in health costs and premiums, a similar analysis in 2006 would likely find a much larger gap between the premiums and claims of low-risk employees, even after accounting for the tax subsidy. Net benefits from employer coverage can be especially small for low-risk workers with low wages, given that these workers have lower average tax subsidy rates combined with greater access to free or low-cost public and "safety-net" coverage. THIS PAPER ADDS TO THE LITERATURE finding that the tax subsidy is poorly targeted if the goal is to help stem the tide of rising uninsurance and public coverage in this country. Whether at least part of the public policy prescription for the private insurance market is to retarget tax incentives toward workers with the highest rates of uninsurance and public coverage is a public policy question that is likely to become more pressing over time.
Thomas Selden (tselden{at}ahrq.gov) is an economist at the Center for Financing, Access, and Cost Trends, Division of Modeling and Simulation, Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ), in Rockville, Maryland. Bradley Gray is an economist in the Health Care Operations and Policy Research Center of the CNA Corporation in Alexandria, Virginia. This research was largely completed while Bradley Gray was employed at the U.S. Census Bureau. The authors appreciate the helpful comments and assistance of Jessica Banthin, Joel Cohen, Steven Cohen, Philip Cooper, Tim Dowd, Daniel Feenberg, Gillian Hunter, Alexandra Minicozzi, and Jessica Vistnes. All views expressed in this paper are those of the authors, and no official endorsement by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, the U.S. Bureau of the Census, or the CNA Corporation is intended or should be inferred.
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