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Health Affairs, 26, no. 4 (2007): 920
doi: 10.1377/hlthaff.26.4.920
© 2007 by Project HOPE
 
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Overview

PROLOGUE

Health Care Financing Worldwide: An Overview


External assistance for health barely tops 1 percent of total health spending in three of the six regions that the World Bank classifies as low or middle income and is negligible in the world total—so why treat it prominently when discussing health financing? One reason is that as of 2004, aid accounted for 15 percent of health spending in sub-Saharan Africa, the poorest and sickest region. Even with such assistance, spending in Africa can’t buy an estimated basic package of care, and prospects for adequate funding are dim without still greater increases. This realization, together with increasing evidence of health’s importance to development and the potential for large health gains at low cost, "have brought health and development issues to the top of the agenda," as George Schieber, Pablo Gottret, Lisa Fleisher, and Adam Leive of the World Bank put it. Overall, aid for health nearly doubled from 2000 to 2005. Simultaneously, dissatisfaction with aid effectiveness, including health aid, is rampant among both donors and recipients. Christopher Lane and Amanda Glassman of the Brookings Institution take up innovations in how resources are raised, channeled, and ultimately used, including novel mechanisms for distributing aid or inducing private firms to provide what the poor of the world need but can’t afford.

The issues of assuring efficiency and equity in aid are the same as those discussed by William Hsiao in another paper in this issue, and the question of the right amount to spend arises for aid just as for finance in general, as William Savedoff’s paper explains. To the extent that aid frees households from the risk of catastrophic or impoverishing expenses, as discussed in the papers by Ke Xu and colleagues and by Maureen Lewis, assistance for health is also an antipoverty measure, both directly and indirectly.

Consensus exists on the need for more resources and better ways to apply them; after that, disagreement flourishes. Should donors coordinate their efforts more closely, as Schieber and colleagues believe? William Easterly’s The White Man’s Burden, reviewed in this issue, argues the contrary. Should donors finance whatever a recipient government says its priorities are? Or should outside experts choose their own priorities and leave it to recipients to adjust domestic budgets accordingly? Should aid concentrate, as it usually has, on particular diseases? Or does that retard or even undo the much-needed efforts to improve how poor countries’ health systems work? And how should donors deal with governments that are corrupt or apparently indifferent to whether aid actually improves health, caring only about the net resource flows? None of these questions has an easy answer, but they have become more urgent as more money is put at stake.


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