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Strunk, Ginsburg and Gabel Web Exclusive
T R A C K I N G H E A L T H C O S T S
W E B E X C L U S I V E
26 September 2001
Tracking Health Care Costs
Hospital care surpasses drugs
as the key cost driver.
by Bradley C. Strunk, Paul B. Ginsburg,
and Jon R. Gabel
ABSTRACT:
This paper provides an
update on trends in health care costs since 1999. Although the growth rate in
overall costs has been stable since 1999, the trend in costs for hospital services
rose, while that for prescription drugs declined, although it remains extremely
high. Increased growth in hospital costs reflects the retreat from tightly managed
care and labor shortages. The discrepancy between premium trends and cost trends
has increased, which reflects the health insurance underwriting cycle. If these
trends continue, likely responses by employers would lead to consumers' facing
higher out-of-pocket costs and an increase in the number of uninsured persons.
Last year in this journal we documented the return in 1999 to higher rates of
growth in the health care costs that underlie private health insurance premiums.1
Growth in these costs largely determines long-run premium trends. It affects
decisions on health insurance product types, benefit design, and out-of-pocket
costs borne by workers. Moreover, it is an important determinant of employers'
decisions to offer any insurance at all and employees' decisions to take up
coverage. Also, a high rate of growth could affect consumers' ability to pay
for health care and could lead to higher outlays for public programs. In contrast
to 1999, the U.S. economy recently has been slowing, which threatens to exacerbate
these adverse consequences of high health cost inflation.
We use the most recent data available to update prior analyses of trends in
health care costs and private insurance premiums. Although overall growth in
health care costs is similar to that in 1999, we document an important shift
in its composition. Moreover, evidence from local communities across the country
suggests that much of this shift is associated with a retreat from tightly managed
care. This has profound implications for future cost trends.
Data Sources
This analysis draws on a variety of data sources to provide insight into trends
in health care costs, as well as their implications for private health insurance
premiums and consumers' out-of-pocket spending. Our choices of data were guided
by the ability of a given source to provide reliable estimates with a short
time lag.
Cost trend data.
To gain insight into recent cost trends, we used the Milliman USA Health Cost
Index (HCI), which measures the health care spending increases underlying changes
in private health insurance premiums.2 This index,
based on provider revenues (a proxy for spending on services), is designed to
reflect claims expenses experienced by private insurers for a typical policy.3
The HCI draws its data from surveys of providers, some widely available and
some proprietary. The index is limited to measuring health services that tend
to be insured: inpatient and outpatient hospital services, physician services,
and prescription drugs. Because provider revenue data tend to cover all patients,
Medicare payments to providers are removed in an effort to arrive at a series
that more closely reflects the population covered by private health insurance.
Inability to remove revenues from Medicaid and uninsured patients is a limitation
in the HCI's ability to track spending for privately insured patients. When
expanded to include Medicare expenditures, the HCI closely tracks the National
Health Accounts (NHA) maintained by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services
(CMS, formerly HCFA), which is widely considered the "gold standard"
for tracking health spending.4 The HCI, however,
is available with a shorter time lag.
We used data on payroll costs for health services establishments collectively,
and for hospitals specifically, to gain insight into changes in what amounts
to the largest cost factor faced by providers.5
These data, compiled monthly by the US Department of Labor's Bureau of Labor
Statistics (BLS) and known as the Employment, Hours, and Earnings (EHE) series,
is useful for its reliability and very short time lag. The sample includes both
private and public employers but excludes nonsalaried health professionals.
Payroll costs are calculated as the product of total production (that is, nonsupervisory)
workers, average weekly hours per worker, and average hourly wage. BLS payroll
data are reported on a per capita basis. This is the most relevant measure for
policymakers and is directly comparable to the HCI data and to data on premiums,
which reflect what is charged to cover an individual or a family.6
We drew on data from the 2000-2001 Community Tracking Study (CTS) site visits
by the Center for Studying Health System Change (HSC) to twelve representative
communities for additional insights into cost trends. Third-round CTS site visits
occurred between June 2000 and March 2001. Researchers conducted forty-five
to ninety interviews per site with leaders of local hospitals, health plans,
physician organizations, employers, and policymakers.7
Premiums and out-of-pocket
spending. Data
on premiums for employment-based health insurance come from the Kaiser Family
Foundation/Health Research and Educational Trust (HRET) Survey of Employer-Sponsored
Health Benefits and its predecessor surveys. The 2001 Kaiser/HRET survey is
based on a stratified random sample of 1,907 employers with three or more workers
selected from Dun and Bradstreet's listing of private and public businesses
that have entered the credit market. The survey collected data through telephone
interviews with employee benefit managers from January to May 2001. The survey
continues the health benefits survey first conducted by the Health Insurance
Association of America (HIAA) from 1987 to 1991 and then by KPMG Peat Marwick
from 1991 to 1998. The core questions in these surveys are virtually identical.
For the years 1991, 1992, 1994, and 1997 KPMG sampled only firms with 200 or
more workers.
To track trends in consumers' out-of-pocket spending, we used data from the
Consumer Expenditure Survey (CES) conducted by the BLS. This national survey
is the basis for constructing the market basket of goods that urban households
consume. The BLS requests participating households to enter their spending,
including medical care expenses, into logs that it provides. These logs also
include information on reimbursements from public and private insurance plans,
which are netted out from direct out-of-pocket payments for medical care.8
Data from the CES are available with a longer time lag compared with other data
sources discussed here, with the most recent data being for 1999.
Underlying Health Care Spending Trends
Health care spending per privately insured person increased 7.2 percent in 2000,
which represents the largest year-to-year increase since 1990 and marks the
third straight year of significantly high growth (Exhibit
1). This recent acceleration in growth follows the period 1994-1997, when
health care spending per capita grew at record-low levels and, in fact, grew
more slowly than did gross domestic product (GDP) per capita (Exhibit
1). That trend reversed itself in 1998, and growth in health care spending
has since continued to top growth in GDP per capita, outpacing it by 1.6 percentage
points in 2000. Although growth in overall spending changed little between 1999
and 2000, early indications from 2001 are that growth is accelerating once again,
as has appeared in recent earnings reports by health plans.
Despite the stability of overall
health care spending growth from 1999 to 2000, an examination of the individual
components of spending unmasks important underlying trends. The Milliman HCI reveals
a shift in the composition of health care spending growth: The rate of increase
in prescription drug spending decelerated while hospital spending accelerated.
Hospital spending.
Hospital inpatient spending increased at a rate of 2.8 percent in 2000-a 1.2 percentage
point increase over 1999. More importantly, however, this finding signals a dramatic
departure from the trend in 1994-1998, when hospital inpatient spending was actually
declining year to year by as much as 5.3 percent. Growth in hospital outpatient
spending also accelerated in 2000, increasing 11.2 percent compared with 8.9 percent
in 1999 and 7.9 percent in 1998. Although this category has been growing at high
rates throughout the 1990s, the 2000 increase represents the largest increase
in hospital outpatient spending since 1992. Taken together, spending on inpatient
and outpatient hospital services accounted for 43 percent of the growth in overall
spending, substantially higher than its share of the 1999 increase. Growth in
spending on both types of services is also accelerating further in 2001.
Prescription drug spending.
Growth in per capita spending on prescription drugs decelerated in 2000 compared
with 1999 but nonetheless remained very high. This reverses a six-year trend in
which spending growth rose steadily from 5.2 percent to 18.4 percent.9
Two factors may be behind this reversal: (1) a decline in the number of "blockbuster"
drugs being introduced; and (2) the rapid spread of three-tier drug copayment
structures in health benefits offerings.10 However,
the trend turned upward again in the first quarter of 2001.
Spending for physician services.
Growth in spending for physician services also decelerated in 2000. Following
a period in the mid-1990s when private insurers reduced physician payment rates,
physician payments from insurers have risen steadily during the past few years.
However, this trend clearly leveled off in 2000, and together with the decreasing
spending rate on prescription drugs, it offset the impact of higher hospital spending
growth, thus explaining the relative stability of overall spending growth from
1999 to 2000.
Payroll costs.
Data on payroll costs from the BLS (which, unlike the Milliman HCI, reflect services
for patients covered by all payers including Medicare) illustrate that payroll
growth is a key driver of both overall health care cost trends and rising trends
within the hospital sector (Exhibit
2). For all health services establishments, payroll costs grew at a rate of
4.7 percent in 2000a 1.6-percentage-point increase over 1999. Hospital payroll
growth, specifically, rose from 2.6 percent in 1999 to 3.7 percent in 2000. More
significantly, early indications from 2001 data suggest that these trends are
accelerating even further to levels not seen since the early 1990s. These trends
do not appear for payroll at physicians' offices.
For both health services establishments in general and hospitals in particular,
the higher payroll growth rate in 2000 than in 1999 is largely accounted for
by increased growth in hours worked rather than an increase in average hourly
wages (data on hours worked not shown here). Nonetheless, the increase in the
2000 average hourly wage for all health services establishments3.8 percentwas
somewhat higher than in 1999 and higher than any increase since 1992. The year
2000 marked the first time since 1995 that growth in the wage rate for health
services establishments was not below the wage rate growth for all industries
combined. This may foreshadow a return to a long-standing earlier pattern in
which wage rates rise more rapidly in the health care sector than in other industries.
Interestingly, average hourly wage growth for both health services establishments
collectively and hospitals specifically rose substantially in the first five
months of 2001, perhaps as a result of severe nursing and other staff shortages
throughout the system.11 These trends are strongly
supported by another measure of wage costs, the Employer Cost Index (ECI).12
Role Of Looser Managed Care
Data from the third round of CTS site visits suggest that the retreat from tightly
managed care has played an important role in rising cost trends.13
Most notable has been the strengthening of providers' bargaining power, especially
that of hospitals, in relation to that of health plans. With the emphasis on
broad choice of providers in managed care, health plans need to keep most hospital
systems in their networks. This power has been reinforced by the increased consolidation
of hospitals during the 1990s and the reduction in excess capacity since the
mid-1990s. The latter has encouraged hospitals to take the risk of not having
a managed care contract with a major health plan, something unthinkable only
a few years ago. The inability to staff some beds as a result of severe nursing
and other staff shortagesand the higher payroll costs needed to address
these shortageshas left hospitals more willing to forgo a contract with
a managed care plan if the payment rates are unfavorable. This shift in bargaining
power has been reflected in highly public showdowns in many communities between
hospitals or specialty medical groups and plans over payment rates.14
Facing critical shortages of workers, employers often have responded to the
prospect of instability of their plan's provider network by pressing the plan
to meet providers' demands. This, in turn, has further strengthened providers'
bargaining position.
Other developments related to the retreat from tightly managed care also may
have contributed to higher cost trends, but the evidence is softer. For example,
reductions in required authorizations for services and more direct access to
specialists may be leading to more hospitalizations and procedures. Fewer providers
are willing to accept capitated payment for their services, which also is leading
to less control over service use. Furthermore, when providers did not succeed
in controlling costs under capitation, the fee-for-service contracts that replaced
capitated ones increased payments substantially.15
The retreat from tightly managed care is vividly illustrated by enrollment trends
by product type. Data from the Kaiser/HRET annual survey show that enrollment
in health maintenance organizations (HMOs)the most tightly managed product
type in the managed care arsenalexperienced a sharp and unprecedented
decline between 2000 and 2001, falling from 29 percent to 23 percent of enrollment.
In contrast, enrollment in preferred provider organizations (PPOs)a more
loosely managed product typeincreased from 41 percent to 48 percent of
total enrollment.16
Insurance Premium Trends
Premiums for employment-based insurance policies increased 11.0 percent from
2000 to 2001, the highest rate of increase since 1993 (Exhibit
3).17 This was the fifth consecutive year
of accelerating premium increases since 1996, a year when they reached a record
low of 0.8 percent. The pattern of small firms facing larger increases than
large firms continued, with firms of 200 or fewer employees experiencing a 12.5
percent increase. Increases by plan type were similar in magnitude.
In addition to the trend in underlying health care costs, the health insurance
underwriting cycle contributed to premium increases. In 2000 Blue Cross Blue
Shield plans realized underwriting profits (preinvestment income) of 0.6 percent
of revenue, up from 0.1 percent in 1999. Throughout much of the 1990s health
plans' prevailing strategy was to increase their local market share by underpricing
their competitors; this strategy ultimately resulted in insurers' suffering
underwriting losses during 1995-1998. Responding to these financial losses,
many insurers pulled out of selected markets and were willing to risk loss of
market share to restore profitability through larger premium increases. The
particularly large difference between premium increases for 2001 and underlying
cost increases for 2000 (Exhibit
3) reflects both an expectation that cost increases will accelerate further
in 2001 and a stronger effort by health plans to increase their profit margins.
The 0.6 percent underwriting profits earned in 2000 may well have been lower
than insurers had planned on. HSC site visits continue to record instances of
health plan exits from local markets but few, if any, instances of new entry.
This suggests that the "hard" phase of the underwriting cycle, characterized
by rising premiums for employers and rising profitability for insurers, is likely
to continue.
One proxy measure for underlying trends in claims expenses is annual changes
in premium equivalents for self-insured firms. Employers set premium-equivalent
increases at projected increases in expenses. According to the Kaiser/HRET data,
overall premium increases for self-insured plans surged from 3.7 percent in
1999 to 7.1 percent in 2000 to 9.5 percent in 2001. Yet in 2001 premiums for
fully insured plans increased 12.3 percenta difference of 2.8 percentage
points compared with self-insured plans.
Implications For Consumers
Despite the rapid rise in the cost of health care, a robust economy has insulated
consumers from much of that increase. Data from the CES indicate that in 1999
households spent 4.5 percent of their income on health care expenses out of
pocket, down from 4.6 percent in 1998 and 5.1 percent in 1993 and equal to the
4.5 percent in 1985. Facing a shortage of qualified workers, employers have
competed for scarce workers by keeping increases in employee contributions for
health insurance down and, to a lesser extent, increases in deductibles, coinsurance,
and copayments down as well.
Data from the Kaiser/HRET annual survey show little change in the share of workers'
contributions for health insurance premiums between 2000 and 2001. Employees
pay 15 percent of the cost of single coverage and 27 percent of the cost of
family coverage, figures that are statistically unchanged from 2000. The fact
that workers contribute less (in nominal dollars) for single coverage in 2001
than they did in 1993 is a vivid illustration of how they have been spared the
consequences of rising premiums so far.
Workers are, however, bearing greater financial risk for the cost of prescription
drugs. From 2000 to 2001 employers continued to adopt three-tier cost-sharing
arrangements. Under these arrangements, workers face one copayment (or coinsurance)
level when using generic drugs, a higher one when using brand-name drugs on
a preferred list, and the highest payment level for use of other brand-name
drugs. The Kaiser/HRET survey reports that 36 percent of workers with job-based
insurance are enrolled in a plan using such arrangements, up from 33 percent
in 2000.
Discussion And Forecasts
Data presented here add empirical credence to what has been heralded as "the
end of managed care" as we knew it in the 1990s.18
As the third round of CTS site visits makes clear, hospitals are enjoying new
bargaining power vis-à-vis health plans as enrollment shifts to less
restrictive and more loosely managed products and hospitals become "must-have"
providers in plans' networks. Meanwhile, health plans, in an effort to quell
the managed care backlash, are reducing their reliance on other cost-control
mechanisms such as gatekeepers, preauthorization requirements, and capitation.
As these developments unfold, their combined effect on costs is appearing as
a major shift in the composition of underlying spending growth, as growth in
spending on hospital services is increasingly responsible for overall spending
growth.
Health care affordability.
In light of these trends and early indications from 2001, health care affordability
will likely deteriorate further in the near future. Health plan-provider showdowns
over payment rates continue across the country and make it likely that sharp
increases in provider payment rates will continue. Although the rate of growth
in spending on prescription drugs fell in 2000 compared with 1999, the unrelenting
pace of technological innovation and promotion of drugs all but assure a rate
of drug spending growth that will stress those who pay for care.19
Also, early indications from 2001 payroll data suggest that labor shortages
in the hospital industry are causing an acceleration in wage increases. In contrast
to the last time cost trends were this highin the early 1990sthe
cost containment strategies of managed care are now in retreat, and there are
no longer alternative approaches to address these pressures.
Out-of-pocket spending.
Although the most recent consumer spending data (for 1999) suggest that consumers
have remained protected from the growth in health care costs and insurance premiums,
the changes under way in the health care system and the softening of labor markets
due to a slowing economy will likely lead to greater out-of-pocket spending
in the future. This development is already under way for prescription drugs,
as three-tier cost-sharing strategies become more prevalent and as average copayments
rise. As managed care companies continue to contend with demand for broad choice
and rising payments to providers, higher costs may increasingly be passed on
to consumers in the form of higher deductibles, coinsurance, and copayments.
Meanwhile, employers may be driven to reduce their contribution rates and leave
consumers to pick up more of the rising premium bill.
Insurance coverage.
Ultimately, the combination of higher growth in health care costs, through its
effect on premiums, and a slowing economy threaten a major increase in the number
of people who are uninsured.20 Evidence is already
appearing that small employers are dropping coverage in response to sharp premium
increases. When employers shield workers less from premium increases, rates
of employee take-up will continue to fall. At a time when national policymakers
are giving renewed attention to the problem of the uninsureddebating the
merits of tax credits versus expansions of public programsrising costs
and premiums could undercut their efforts greatly. Indeed, health care cost
containment will begin to permeate the health policy agenda again.
The authors are grateful to John Cookson of Milliman USA for permission to use
the Health Cost Index and for his valuable comments. They gratefully acknowledge
the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (Strunk and Ginsburg) and the Henry J. Kaiser
Family Foundation (Gabel) for their financial support.
NOTES
1.C. Hogan, P.B. Ginsburg, and J.R. Gabel, "Tracking Health
Care Costs: Inflation Returns,"Health Affairs (Nov/Dec 2000): 217-223.
2.Often the terms costs and spending are used
interchangeably. Conceptually, the primary interest is in costs, which reflect
the resources devoted to health care that are not available to produce other
goods and services. Practically, most available data, including the HCI, reflect
spending, or what is paid for health services by those who purchase them (or
received by providers of health services). Costs and spending differ when the
payment is greater or less than the resources that go into providing the services.
3.The index that Milliman USA provides to its clients is intended
to assist insurers in forecasting their claims payments and comparing them with
those of others. It simulates trends in claims for a "standard" private
health insurance policy with a $250 deductible. The trend in such an index would
slightly overstate the trend in spending underlying private insurance because
the standard policy would pay for a slightly higher proportion of expenditures
each year. Milliman has provided us with a version of the index that reflects
a hypothetical policy with no deductible.
4.P.B. Ginsburg and J.D. Pickreign, "Tracking Health Care
Costs," Health Affairs (Fall 1996): 140-149.
5.Health services establishments include offices and clinics
of medical doctors, dentists, and other health practitioners; nursing and personal
care facilities; intermediate care facilities; hospitals; and home health care
services.
6.For additional discussion of this point, see Ginsburg and
Pickreign, "Tracking Health Care Costs."
7.For more information about the CTS, see P. Kemper et al.,
"The Design of the Community Tracking Study: A Longitudinal Study of Health
System Change and Its Effects on People," Inquiry (Summer 1996):
195-206. For more information about CTS site visit methodology, see P.B. Ginsburg
et al., "The Community Tracking Study Analyses of Market Change: Introduction,"
Health Services Research (April 2000): 7-16.
8.BLS analysts indicate that payments from Internal Revenue
Service (IRS) Section 125 accounts, commonly referred to as cafeteria plans
or reimbursement accounts, are not treated consistently in the study. In the
majority of cases, these payments are regarded as insurance payments, but in
some cases, households may not report these payments in their logs.
9.In contrast, a recent study by the National Institute for
Health Care Management (NIHCM) reported that prescription drug spending grew
by 18.8 percent in 2000, a difference of 4.3 percentage points with the Milliman
USA data. However, the NIHCM data were not adjusted for growth in population
and therefore are not directly comparable to the data presented here. An adjustment
of this nature would result in a slightly lower rate of growth. Furthermore,
a recent study by Merck-Medco Managed Care reported that growth in drug spending
among its clients grew by 14 percent in 2000, which is more in line with the
Milliman data. The Merck-Medco report was based on the spending habits of sixty-five
million insured persons. See "Spending on Drugs Seen Doubling by '06,"
New York Times, 7 June 2001.
10.F. Teitelbaum et al., Express Scripts 2000 Drug Trend
Report (St. Louis: Express Scripts, June 2001), 21-24. Because the HCI focuses
on aggregate spending per person rather than costs borne by insurers or employers
only, three-tier copayment structures would be expected to affect the growth
rate of prescription drug spending only if they induce less use of drugs, switching
to cheaper drugs, or lower prices based on purchasers' greater ability to shift
demand to preferred drugs. Cost shifting to consumers alone would not be expected
to affect the HCI.
11. The Hospital Workforce Shortage: Immediate and Future,
TrendWatch, vol. 3, no. 2 (Washington: American Hospital Association, June 2001).
12.The ECI, a series compiled quarterly by the US Department
of Labor, measures the average cost of an employee per hour worked. Federal
employees are excluded from the index. Although trends in the ECI and the BLS
average hourly wage data did not match up exactly-because the ECI holds skill-mix
constant and includes all workers, not just nonsupervisory workers-both measures
grew in similar patterns.
13.C.S. Lesser and P.B. Ginsburg, Back to the Future? New
Cost and Access Challenges Emerge: Initial Findings from HSC's Recent Site Visits,
Issue Brief no. 35 (Washington: Center for Studying Health System Change, February
2001).
14.B.C. Strunk, K. Devers, and R.H. Hurley, Health Plan-Provider
Showdowns on the Rise, Issue Brief no. 40 (Washington: HSC, June 2001).
15.D.A. Draper et al., "The Changing Face of Managed
Care" (Unpublished paper, Mathematica Policy Research, September 2001).
16.J. Gabel et al., "Job-Based Health Insurance in 2001:
Inflation Hits Double Digits, Managed Care Retreats," Health Affairs
(Sep/Oct 2001): 180-186.
17.Ibid.
18.J.C. Robinson, "The End of Managed Care," Journal
of the American Medical Association (23/30 May 2001): 2622-2628.
19.See "Spending on Drugs Seen Doubling by '06."
20.See R. Kronick and T. Gilmer, "Explaining the Decline
in Health Insurance Coverage, 1979-1995," Health Affairs (Mar/Apr
1999): 30-47. Also, in a letter to Greg Crist, House Committee on Ways and Means,
John Shiels described research that calculated the price elasticity for health
coverage to be -0.203 (Falls Church, Va.: Lewin Group, 7 October 1999). This
means that a 1 percent real increase in premiums would be associated with a
net coverage loss of approximately 293,000 persons, according to these results.
Bradley Strunk is a health
analyst and Paul Ginsburg is president of the Center for Studying Health System
Change, in Washington D.C. Jon Gabel is vice-president of the Health Research
and Educational Trust, also in Washington.
©2001 Project HOPEThe
People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc.
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