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P E R S P E C T I V E : N O N G R O U P M A R K E T
W E B E X C L U S I V E
23 October 2002
Competitive Markets For Individual Health Insurance
With some sensible policy
changes, the individual health insurance market
has the potential to serve a growing customer base.
by Scott Harrington and Tom
Miller
ABSTRACT:
A more dynamic individual insurance market could match benefits with individual
preferences, provide more portable and permanent coverage, and stimulate consumer-focused
service. Necessary reforms, such as tax parity and targeted assistance to high-risk
pools, would enable individual coverage to expand efficiently. In contrast,
requirements for guaranteed issue and community rating drive low-risk persons
out of voluntary individual markets and raise overall premiums. Guaranteed renewability
and switching costs would stabilize individual-market risk pools. As the individual
market becomes more representative of the overall population, insurers
perceived needs to underwrite and market selectively will lessen, making administrative
loading factors less significant.
The small market share for individual health insurance reflects in part the
long-standing tax subsidy that favors employment-based group insurance. The
existing safety net for the uninsured further reduces incentives to buy individual
coverage. Many argue that the supply of individual coverage will remain thin
in the face of high administrative-expense ratios and pervasive underwriting/risk
selection. However, a closer look at evidence from other types of insurance
suggests that sensible policy changes would enable individual coverage to expand
efficiently and provide a viable alternative to group coverage for millions
more Americans.
Competition in most insurance markets creates relentless pressure for accurate
pricing and risk classification. Conventional theory suggests that risk classification
using low-cost information provides appropriate incentives for policyholders
to manage their risk of loss.1
On the other hand, competitive risk classification contributes to two problems
that may sometimes be more severe in the individual health insurance market.
First, some insurance buyers will have high risk of loss ex ante, which may
make competitively priced coverage unaffordable for them. Moreover, current
policies that favor employer coverage (such as the tax exclusion and the ERISA
preemption of state regulation of self-insured employer plans) augment its natural
advantages of relatively lower marketing and administrative costs (scale economies,
payroll deduction, noncustomized group purchasing, bargaining leverage, and
so on) and make the current individual market act in many respects more like
a residual pool of people unable to access an employer group plan. Insurers
necessarily are more skeptical about insuring these persons at standard rates.
Second, policyholders may face some risk that a deterioration in their health
will cause future coverage to become much more costly or unavailable. Because
individual insurance plans arguably serve the least stable risk pools, they
may provide less protection against such health risk redefinition.2
However, relatively few people are chronically uninsurable because of health
status.3 Suitably designed high-risk pools can readily
provide coverage to those buyers at subsidized rates.4
The bigger problem is that many low-risk individual-market buyers may face rates
that are higher than they are willing to pay. Indeed, regulatory efforts to
limit the permissible set of standardized individual insurance policies and
to block insurers ability to use selection mechanisms ultimately have
failed even in making individual insurance more accessible to high-risk customers,
because they drive low-risk people out of a thinning, voluntary individual market
and raise overall premiums.5
Moreover, the problem of risk reclassification (durational effects)
that has achieved notoriety in the small-group market is of much less concern
for individual coverage. Any existing problems are more likely aggravated by
the individual markets small size, its disproportionate number of high-risk
persons compared with the group market, and its relative lack of persistent
purchasers.
Response To Insurance-Market Concerns
The sensible responses to the above concerns are to (1) change tax rules for
individual coverage, (2) facilitate the formation of more stable purchasing
arrangements to help achieve scale economies and reduce expense ratios, and
(3) if necessary, provide targeted assistance to high-risk purchasers instead
of attempting to impose cross-subsidies through counterproductive regulation.
Change the tax rules.
Much has been written about the need for tax parity, instead of a tax penalty,
for purchasers of individual insurance.6 Recent
proposals have tended to focus too narrowly on targeted, refundable tax credits
for low-income workers who lack access to employer coverage.7
Broader access to more comparable tax treatment for all health insurance consumers,
regardless of where or how they purchase insurance, is needed to provide a deeper,
more diversified pool of potential customers and move the individual market
beyond a narrow niche role.
Facilitate more stable
purchasing arrangements.
If sensible reforms increase the demand for individual coverage, guaranteed
renewability (at rates that reflect the initial risk-based underwriting of new
entrants, combined with the subsequent experience of the policyholders
class) should ensure stable supply for most policyholders. Roughly three-fourths
of individual policies were already guaranteed renewable before the Health Insurance
Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) of 1996 and before most states mandated
guaranteed renewability.8 It is the norm in the
enormous individual life insurance market, as well as in the market for individual
disability income coverage. Individual health insurance is often more akin to
those coverages than to small-group health insurance.
Some fear that insurers will skim healthy policyholders from rating groups if
rates reflect the experience of policyholders whose health has declined. Theoretical
analyses have emphasized mechanisms that might prevent this problem, such as
front-end loading of premiums or severance payments conditional on health status.9
In any case, switching insurers to get lower rates is costly to individual policyholders,
and comparatively more so than for small groups. As long as relatively few policyholders
experience material reductions in health status, switching costs are likely
to swamp the savings that a healthy policyholder might achieve by changing insurers,
thus encouraging stable risk pools with guaranteed renewable rates. Switching
costs are relatively lower even for small groups, because they are spread over
more people. Moreover, the probability is greater that at least one member of
a small group might develop a condition that will require expensive treatment.
Front-end underwriting and policy issue costs are higher for new coverage than
for renewal coverage. Because insurers generally seek to recover those costs
over the duration of the contractual relationship, policyholders costs
will be lower when they stick with one insurer.
The implicit lock-in associated with switching costs will not produce
widespread opportunistic behavior by insurers, given presumed reputation concerns
and their desire for high renewal rates to spread up-front costs, especially
if other policy changes increase demand and the number of competitors. Insurance
contracts that are guaranteed renewable and, implicitly, more long term, will
give individual buyers incentives to shop more diligently for assurances of
quality. Abundant evidence for other types of coverage, such as individual auto
insurance (including the nonstandard market for high-risk drivers) suggests
that many reputable insurers would enter the market if demand rose dramaticallyunless
they were dissuaded by fear of regulation or other potentially expropriative
government policies, such as a single-payer system.
Assist high-risk purchasers.
Another necessary element in both deepening and stabilizing the risk pool for
individual insurance involves spreading the cost burden of subsidizing high-risk
consumers more widely through more generous general revenue support of high-risk
pools and carriers of last resort. Moving away from regulatory controls
that try to limit risk segmentation through rate compression and limits on benefits
will attract more low-risk buyers and competing insurers to the individual market
and keep average premiums lower. When insurers are kept from pricing predicted
risk appropriately and matching their policy configurations to market demands,
they resort to higher uniform prices, risk avoidance, and, ultimately, market
exit. We should separate support for societal objectives of income redistribution
and protection against prohibitively expensive, but predictable, health risks
from the competitive operations of commercial insurance markets. Adequately
funded high-risk pools can provide affordable coverage for persons with serious,
chronic conditions or with more acute illnesses of shorter duration more effectively
and at lower costs than do requirements for guaranteed issue and community rating.10
Offering Some New Alternatives
If one envisions a near-term future marketplace reinvigorated by individual
tax credits, employer-sponsored defined-contribution health benefit plans, premium
supportstyle Medicare reform, multitier worker-empowerment answers to
the managed care backlash, and enhanced information technologies that facilitate
consumer-driven health care, new alternatives to one-size-fits-all employer
plans and distorted individual-market options can serve a growing customer base.
The payoffs from a dynamic individual insurance market could include more customized
matching of insurance benefits to ones individual values and preferences,
insurance that is more portable and permanent, incentives for longer-term relationships
between insurers and their customers, more consumer-focused service, and reduced
administrative burdens on employers.11 As the individual
market becomes more representative of the overall population, insurers
perceived needs to underwrite rigorously and market selectively will lessen,
making marketing more efficient and administrative loading factors less significant.
Direct sellers of individual health insurance may find new opportunities to
push costs even lower.
To be sure, employer coverage will retain a substantial role in a more competitive
insurance marketplace. Many employers will remain the most effective agents
in organizing benefit choices, bargaining for value, ensuring quality, overseeing
claims administration, and pooling risks on behalf of their employees. But if
full-fledged, level competition for workers insurance business so challenges
the limitations of employer coverage arrangements that employer-sponsored groups
can no longer retain stable risk pools, what purpose would be served in trying
to prop them up?
NOTES
1. See P.M. Danzon and S.E. Harrington, Workers
Compensation Rate Regulation: How Price Controls Increase Costs, Journal
of Law and Economics (April 2001): 136; and K.S. Abraham, Efficiency
and Fairness in Insurance Risk Classification, Virginia Law Review
(1985): 403451.
2. But see M. Pauly and B. Herring, Pooling Health Insurance
Risks (Washington: AEI Press, 1999), 3, observing that differences in risk
pooling among the large-group, small-group, and individual markets are smaller
than usually thought.
3. Ibid., 88, 9091; and K. Beauregard, Persons Denied
Private Health Insurance Due to Poor Health, Pub. no. 92-0016 (Rockville,
Md.: Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, December 1991).
4. See E. White, Risk Pools Aim to Cover Uninsurable,
Stabilize Insurance Markets, BNAs Health Policy Report (27
August 2001): 13381341 (noting that funding for premium subsidies is the
key stumbling block facing high-risk pools and suggesting that including a six-month
waiting period for a preexisting health condition is more reasonable than imposing
guaranteed issue insurance mandates); and C.F. Meier, Extending Affordable
Health Insurance to the Uninsurable, Heartland Policy Study no. 91 (Chicago:
Heartland Institute, 27 August 1999).
5. K. Swartz, Markets for Individual Health Insurance:
Can We Make Them Work with Incentives to Purchase Insurance? Inquiry
(Summer 2001): 133145. See also S.H. Long, M.S. Marquis, and J. Rodgers,
Do People Shift Their Use of Health Services over Time to Take Advantage
of Insurance? Journal of Health Economics (January 1998): 112115
(observing that recent state reforms aimed at eliminating or limiting some insurer
restrictions on coverage of preexisting conditions ironically might increase
patients otherwise limited ability to adjust their treatment patterns
for chronic conditions in anticipation of insurance changes).
6. See, for example, M.V. Pauly and J.S. Hoff, Responsible
Tax Credits for Health Insurance (Washington: AEI Press, 2002); G. Arnett,
ed., Empowering Health Care Consumers through Tax Reform (Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press, 1999); and T. Miller, Improving Access to
Health Care without Comprehensive Health Insurance Coverage, in Covering
America: Real Remedies for the Uninsured, vol. 2, ed. E.K. Wicks and J.A
Meyer (Washington: Economic and Social Research Institute, 2002).
7. Executive Office of the President, Council of Economic Advisers,
Economic Report of the President 2002 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing
Office, February 2002), 158162; and Department of the Treasury, General
Explanations of the Administrations Fiscal Year 2003 Revenue Proposals
(Washington: GPO, February 2002), 1821.
8. MV Pauly, Regulation of Bad Things That Almost Never
Happen but Could: HIPAA and the Individual Insurance Market, Cato Journal
(Spring/Summer 2002): 5970; Pauly and Herring, Pooling Health Insurance
Risks,18; and SE Harrington and G.R. Niehaus, Risk Management and Insurance
(New York: Irwin/McGraw-Hill, 1999), 460461.
9. See MV Pauly, H. Kunreuther, and R. Hirth, Guaranteed
Renewability in Insurance, Journal of Risk and Uncertainty (March
1995): 143156. Front-end loading, which trades off a lower present value
of premiums over the period of coverage in return for long-term level premiums,
generates a partial lock-in of customers and retains better risk pools. I. Hendel
and A. Lizzeri, The Role of Commitment in Dynamic Contracts: Evidence
from Life Insurance, NBER Working Paper no. 7470 (Cambridge, Mass.: National
Bureau of Economic Research, January 2000). John Cochrane suggests instead that
the use of illness-state-contingent severance payments for all consumers
could fund future high-risk premiums from any seller and help to maintain premiums
that are constant over time. J.H. Cochrane, Time-Consistent Health Insurance,
Journal of Political Economy (June 1995): 445473; see also M. Pauly,
A. Nickel, and H. Kunreuther, Guaranteed Renewability with Group Insurance,
Journal of Risk and Uncertainty (May 1998): 211221.
10. National Association of Health Underwriters, Cost
and Availability of Health Insurance for People with Chronic Health Conditions,
12 March 2002, www.nahu.org/NEWS/Kaiser-NAHU_Analysis.PDF
(23 July 2002).
11. Regarding customized matching, we note that fewer than
half (43 percent) of workers covered by employer coverage are satisfied with
the overall performance of their plan. Fewer than half (48 percent) trust their
employer to design a health plan that will provide the coverage they need. About
the same percentage (47 percent) think that better health plans are available
for the same cost. Almost four out of ten employees want their employer to contribute
a fixed-dollar amount toward the premium for any health plan, even if it means
finding their own plan. Watson Wyatt Worldwide, Maximizing the Return on
Health Benefits: 2001 Report on Best Practices in Health Care Vendor Management
(Washington: Watson Wyatt Worldwide, 2001).
Scott Harrington is W. Frank
Hipp Professor of Insurance at the Moore School of Business, University of South
Carolina. Tom Miller is director of health policy studies at the Cato Institute
in Washington D.C.
©2002 Project
HOPEThe People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc.
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