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Q U A L I T Y O F C A R E P A T I E N T S A F E T Y W E B E X C L U S I V E
30 November 2004
The End Of The Beginning: Patient Safety Five Years After ‘To Err Is Human’
Amid signs of progress,
there is still a long way to go.
By Robert M. Wachter
ABSTRACT:
The Institute
of Medicine’s 1999 report on medical
errors galvanized the public and health professionals. Before then, providers,
health care organizations, and policymakers lacked the understanding and incentives
to generate the changes in culture, systems, training, and technology to improve
safety. Since 1999 there has been progress, but it has been insufficient. Stronger
regulation has helped, as have some early improvements in information technology
and in workforce organization and training. Error-reporting systems have had
little impact, and scant progress has been made in improving accountability.
Five years after the report’s publication, we appear to be at “the
end of the beginning.”
Five years ago the Institute of Medicine
(IOM) report on medical errors, To Err Is Human, galvanized
the public and the health professions and led to congressional hearings,
media exposés, and millions of anxious patients.1 This
paper examines the genesis and impact of that report and takes stock of where
we are five years after its release. The set of incentives that promote patient
safety—not simply the economic balance sheet, but also the political,
ethical, and social forces experienced by doctors, nurses, health care executives,
policymakers, and other key stakeholders—was woefully weak before 1999
and has grown much stronger since then. However, these forces have not yet
become robust enough to generate the dollars, systems, training models, and
culture to transform modern health care into the safe, reliable system that
patients and providers deserve.
The IOM Report And Its Impact
As one measure of its impact, if one says “the IOM report,” To
Err Is Human immediately springs to mind, despite the fact
that the IOM has published 234 reports since then. In fact, an argument can
be made that the medical profession “discovered” the epidemic
of medical mistakes five years ago through the IOM report, nearly as assuredly
as we discovered the AIDS epidemic in 1981 and the SARS epidemic in 2003.2
Why did the report strike such a profound chord? In late 1999 the country
was relatively prosperous and at peace, providing few competing objects for
public angst. Skepticism about the U.S. health care system had grown after
a decade of managed care.3 Moreover, the intellectual
foundations of patient safety had been laid by Lucian Leape, James Reason,
and others in the prior decade.4 These
factors tilled the soil. But it was the IOM’s use of the Harvard Medical
Practice Study’s decade-old results—in particular, the
jarring analogy that deaths in the United States from medical errors would
equal the downing of one jumbo jet per day—that generated the public
and media attention that finally undermined the status quo.5
Predictably, much of the initial debate centered on this now-famous mantra
of 44,000–98,000 deaths per year from medical mistakes.6 Although
my own conclusion is that the numbers are likely accurate, the bottom line
is this: Even if it were not a jumbo jet of deaths per day but rather a Greyhound
bus’s worth, it is clear that a terrible danger had been, but could
no longer be, ignored.7
How Did Health Care Become So Unsafe?
More than two centuries ago, in The Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith
wrote, “The greatest improvement in the productive powers
of labour…seem[s]
to be the effects of the division of labour.”8 Although
Smith recognized that the power of specialization to increase quality and
efficiency might be limited by the extent of the market, he failed to fully
appreciate the criticality of “production coordination”—ensuring
the seamless flow of both goods and information—as production processes
became more specialized. During the past half-century, we in health care
made the same mistake.
When the tools of medicine were the doctor’s intellect, the nurse’s
empathy, and a few simple surgical procedures and potions, there was little
price to be paid for absent safety systems and lack of coordination. As medicine’s
tools became more powerful and technologically sophisticated, highly specialized
teams were needed to deliver care.
The modern intensive care unit (ICU), an
invention of the 1960s and 1970s, vividly illustrates the problem. Patients
there are supported by an extraordinary array of breathtaking technologies
and pharmaceuticals (mechanical ventilation, dialysis, and vasoactive and thrombolytic
drugs, to name a few), each accompanied by an armada of skilled professionals
to manage their use. A critically ill patient might be seen by a half-dozen
different physician-specialists and scores of nurses, respiratory therapists,
pharmacists, social workers, clergy, and others, and receive hundreds of medications
and tests. It should come as no surprise, then, that without a culture, procedures,
and technology focused on flawless execution, errors would become commonplace.
One study found that the average ICU patient experiences 1.7 errors per day,
nearly one-third of which are potentially life-threatening. Most involve communication
problems.9
As health care’s progress rendered care more dangerous, four main forces
limited our ability to answer the challenge: an outdated mental model for
medical mistakes, collective inattention to patient safety, a reimbursement
system that provided no incentives for safety, and a fragmented organizational
structure.
A
flawed mental model and collective inattention.
Before 1999 the mental model for medical errors held by the public, professionals,
and regulators was one of individual culpability, a mindset reinforced by
medical and nursing curricula, a tort-dominated system for accountability,
and, importantly, human intuition. Without a tradition of systems thinking
or an understanding of high-reliability organizations and the cost of complexity,
the infrequent reports of errors that reached the public were naturally attributed
to “bad
apples,” not only by patients and the media but even by clinicians
themselves.10 Since
most doctors and nurses were working hard caring for patients (especially
in light of the ever-increasing complexity), many came to think of medical
errors as the unavoidable collateral damage of a heroic, high-tech war they
otherwise seemed to be winning. Moreover, without a culture that promoted
open discussion of errors, every case was viewed in isolation, with little
sense by providers or the public of the breadth of the problem and the recurring
patterns.11 Since
neither appreciated the true root cause of most medical errors, no significant
pressure was brought to bear on executives, educators, regulators, and policymakers
to focus on or invest in patient safety.
The reimbursement
system and the organizational dichotomy of U.S. health care.
Hospitals and physicians are paid the same regardless of the safety of the
care they deliver.12 The
system thus creates no incentive to invest in safety; indeed, in many situations
precisely the opposite occurs, as error-prone care leads to higher revenues
through more per diem payments or more lucrative diagnosis-related
group (DRG) designations.
Additionally, the traditional structure of American health care separates
the physicians from the rest of the hospital enterprise, creating divergent
bottom lines and incentive structures.13 In
an earlier era of physician self-sufficiency, the capacity for harm from
this dichotomy was relatively small. But when physician involvement and leadership
in safety became crucial, the absence of a unified organizational structure
became highly problematic.
Progress versus
safety.
Taken together, these four problems created a milieu in which patient safety
was quite naturally ignored. Added to specific issues in health care is the
traditional inclination of all industries to focus on production or progress
instead of safety.14 The
hard work and vigilance needed to ensure flawless execution always seem less
exciting than progress, whether the product is a surgical procedure, a space
shuttle launch, or national security.
Many in health care have looked to the field of commercial aviation for guidance
and inspiration. Although aviation’s enviable safety record and tradition
of emphasizing safety and teamwork makes this appropriate, there are important
differences: Aviation is advantaged by the relatively small number of airlines,
a single federal regulator, its inability to “hide” major errors,
and the comparative simplicity of its mission and information needs.15 But
there is another crucial distinction: Pilots die at the same time as their
passengers after a fatal error. Lacking this “skin in the game,” health
care providers, already overly busy and stressed, needed other incentives
to drive the work of patient safety. By catalyzing intense public pressure
and professional acknowledgement of the problem, To Err Is
Human created
new incentives, felt by both providers and the systems in which they work.
The rest of this paper describes some of the responses to these pressures
and my impressions of their impact.
Are We Making Progress?
After hearing of yet another sentinel event in their institutions, every
patient safety leader I know laments how little headway we’ve made in
the past five years. Yet signs of progress are unmistakable. I recently asked
an audience of 400 practicing hospitalists (a new breed of physician specializing
in inpatient care) whether they believed that safety was better, the same,
or worse than it was in 1999.16 The results, although
anecdotal, were instructive and somewhat reassuring: 45 percent said that
it was better, 38 percent thought that it was the same, and 17 percent felt
that it was worse. They were even more hopeful about the future: 67 percent
thought that care would be safer still five years from now; 22 percent, the
same; and only 11 percent, worse. Fifty-five percent felt that their hospital
had a “culture
of safety.”
What had made a difference? Instead of any one specific thing, nearly half
attributed the improvements to “overall increased sensitivity to the
issue for a variety of reasons,” and almost a third to “regulations
(i.e., JCAHO)” (Joint Commission on Accreditation of Healthcare Organizations).
Interestingly, only 7 percent felt that clinical information technology had
made the most difference, despite the fact that they came from relatively “wired” hospitals—28
percent of their hospitals had well-functioning computerized physician order
entry (CPOE), more than twice the national average.17
Like these physicians, I believe that improving safety requires a multidimensional
approach and that we have made some progress since To Err
Is Human. I have identified five major areas of activities
and initiatives that have marked the past five years. Although some of
the efforts may be seen as cross-cutting, they fall into the following
broad categories: (1) regulation, (2) error reporting systems; (3) information
technology; (4) the malpractice system and other vehicles for accountability;
and (5) workforce and training issues.
The grades I have assigned are offered in a relatively unscientific effort
to stimulate thought and conversation, and, in light of constraints in both
the length and scope of this paper, the examples I offer are illustrative
rather than comprehensive. Additionally, my focus, like that of To
Err Is Human, is on the issue of medical errors, and therefore
my grades do not reflect efforts focused more broadly on quality (such as pay-for-performance
programs and public reporting of quality measures). I do this while fully recognizing
that some of these “quality” strategies are likely to be applied
over time to patient safety.
Regulation:
A–.
Although the surveyed hospitalists thought that JCAHO was the second most
important force for change, in another recent survey, hospital leaders
felt that it was the most important driver of progress in patient safety.18 Two
examples demonstrate why. Prior to JCAHO’s safety goal requiring
read-backs of patients’ names and oral orders, virtually no American
hospital had a strict policy mandating this commonsensical redundancy,
despite the fact that many restaurants have long performed read-backs to
avoid errors in processing take-out orders. Moreover, during the preregulatory
days of “sign your
site,” some surgeons placed an “X” on the site to be
operated on (as in “X marks the spot”), while others put an “X” on
the wrong site (as in, “don’t cut here”), a further argument
for standardization through regulation. JCAHO’s revamping of its
methods to use more clinically realistic assessment tools (following patients
through the course of their care, a process known as the “tracer
methodology”),
instead of its traditional focus on policies and procedures, has helped
as well.19
Because physicians remain highly individualistic (which causes them to
resist regulatory solutions and standardization), and hospitals continue
to lack a robust set of incentives to drive patient safety, regulatory
solutions have arguably been the most important early step, particularly
when it comes to procedural safety (creating safe systems, standardization,
and redundancies) in hospitals. Unfortunately, the history of regulation
is beset with examples of overreaching and unintended consequences, both
of which can ultimately hamper flexibility and innovation. Moreover, it
is hard to regulate the creation of a safety culture and the implementation
of information technology. Accordingly, while the amount of regulation
is likely to grow, I think that much of the low-hanging fruit will be picked
soon and that other drivers will become increasingly important.
Error-reporting
systems: C.
A recent article in the New York Times bemoaned
the fact that many New York hospitals were not reporting all of their errors
to the state, despite the fact that the law insists that they do so. Nowhere
in this article was there any discussion about what was being done with
all of the reports that were being submitted.20 This
is the Achilles’ heel of error-reporting systems: the flawed notion
that reporting has any intrinsic value in and of itself. The problem is
not limited to government reporting systems but is also seen within hospitals,
where a growing number of incident reports is often taken as evidence that
safety is improving (that is, there is now a healthy “reporting culture”),
although there is no persuasive evidence to support this association.21
Error-reporting systems can be powerful tools when the reports are used
to improve systems or educate providers, and they are particularly valuable
when those who submit reports subsequently learn that their submissions made
a difference. There are certainly examples of successes; one is hospitals
where incident reports do lead to meaningful actions instead of pie charts.22 Another
is the federally supported Web-based journal that I am privileged to edit, AHRQ
WebM&M, in which interesting reports of errors, submitted
anonymously by readers, are accompanied by expert commentaries (the Web
site now receives about 1,000 unique visitors each day).23 But,
unlike in aviation, in which reports of near misses help illustrate human
factor problems that catalyze action, in health care, errors are so frequent,
the number of man-machine interfaces are so voluminous, and we have so
much catching up to do that the average patient safety officer would have
a full plate for the next five years without a single new report. Reporting
is an area in which new models, and far greater resources devoted to translating
submissions into action, will be needed.
Information
technology: B–.
It seems self-evident that many, perhaps most, of the solutions to medical
mistakes will ultimately come through better information technology (IT).
We may finally be nearing the time when institutions and providers will
not be seen as credible providers of safe, high-quality care if they lack
a strong IT backbone. As this momentum grows, we are beginning to overcome
a vexing chicken-and-egg problem: There were few excellent off-the-shelf
IT systems available, in large part because the market for them was so
weak, making software companies wary of investing in program development.
Although proponents often treat IT as the Holy Grail for patient safety,
it is worth remembering that most of the data regarding the value of IT
have been generated from a handful of institutions with decades of commitment
to IT and robust, homegrown systems.24
Yet, fueled in part by the bold prompting of the Leapfrog Group (the business
coalition that promotes patient safety through public reporting and pay-for-performance
initiatives), we are beginning to see a marked uptick in clinical information
system implementations.25 As more
systems get up and running, many are seeing good results, particularly
in decreasing medication errors. But we’ve also seen the dark side:
from Cedars-Sinai (where the plug was pulled on a relatively user-unfriendly
homegrown system after a physician rebellion), to Beth Israel– Deaconess
(where one researcher’s
data caused a massive system to crash for several days, leading to the
memorable Boston
Globe headline, “Got Paper?”).26 More
concerning are reports of multiple errors actually introduced by IT systems
themselves.27
Notwithstanding these cautionary notes, the experience of the Department
of Veterans Affairs (VA), Brigham and Women’s Hospital, and other IT leaders
demonstrates that clinical systems can be made to work and that providers
can be taught to use (and like) systems if they are well built and implemented.28 Some
systems are even beginning to move from simple execution of computerized
orders to IT’s greater promise of providing decision support and stemming
information loss at hand-offs. Moreover, the appointment of David Brailer as
national health information technology coordinator (the “IT czar”),
the recent awarding of $139 million in IT grants by the U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services (HHS), and the efforts to develop uniform data-sharing standards
are clear evidence that the federal government is taking this issue seriously.29 As
the hospitalist survey indicates, though, patient safety and
clinical IT are not synonymous; perhaps the greatest danger from IT is
that institutions that have invested heavily in it may feel that they have
spent all they can on safety.
The malpractice system and other vehicles
for accountability: D+. Troyen Brennan and his colleagues’ elegant
research has documented that the malpractice system is terribly broken:
It does a poor job of compensating patients, punishing the negligent, and
protecting the innocent.30 It
also demoralizes physicians and is beginning to lead to major access problems
in some locations and among some specialists. Nevertheless, I believe that
the system’s impact (both positive and negative) on patient safety
tends to be overemphasized. Moreover, the debate over tort reform has centered
on possible caps on pain-and-suffering awards, which, whatever their merits,
would not fundamentally alter the dynamics of the malpractice system in
terms of its influence on patient safety. Switching instead to a no-fault
system for compensating victims of medical errors would alter these dynamics,
but it has not generated much political support.31 More
promising is the notion of “enterprise liability,” in which
malpractice lawsuits would be directed at organizations (such as hospitals)
rather than providers, providing a powerful impetus for systems change.32
In contrast to malpractice, I believe that the lack of accountability for
poor performance does harm patient safety. I say this despite being fully
supportive of the “no blame,” “it’s the system” approach
to safety. Even with this as the (appropriate) general rule, there are some
bad doctors and nurses, and our system of accountability (at the level of individual
institutions, professional associations, and state licensing boards) does not
know how to deal with them. Moreover, with the implementation of new safety
systems (such as “sign your site” or read-backs of oral orders),
a new problem has emerged: what to do with providers who willfully violate
reasonable safety rules. Nothing undercuts an institution’s effort to
fully comply with safety regulations more than having an individual provider
(particularly a prominent physician) regularly ignore the regulations. As James
Reason, one of the giants of systems theory, notes, “Seeing them get
away with it on a daily basis does little for morale or for the credibility
of the disciplinary system. Watching them getting their ‘come-uppance’ is
not only satisfying, it also serves to reinforce where the boundaries of
acceptable behavior lie.”33
To my mind, this category presents some of the most complex issues in patient
safety: how to promote a no-blame culture for providers who make innocent slips
or mistakes while holding persistent rule violators or incompetent providers
accountable; how to compensate patients for harm without necessarily invoking
the heavy hand of tort law; how to hold institutions accountable for allowing
unsafe conditions to persist without hammering them in the newspapers or the
courts when they acknowledge their flaws. I believe that we have made virtually
no progress in tackling these exceptionally thorny questions in the past five
years.
Workforce and training
issues: B.
This relatively high grade represents the growing appreciation of the importance
of workforce issues and a few examples of action. In the inpatient arena, I
believe that the most positive development is the emergence of hospitalists—physicians
who care for, and coordinate the care of, hospitalized patients. This field,
in its infancy in 1999, has grown to more than 10,000 physicians and a
professional society of 5,000.34 Although hospitalists
create yet another safety challenge (by generating a purposeful discontinuity
at hospital admission and discharge), the advantages of having an on-site
physician who is expert in hospital care and coordination far outweigh the
disadvantages. Moreover, hospitalists have emerged as important
advocates for safety and systems thinking, partly because of their mindset
and partly because many receive hospital support, which creates the aligned
incentives that most of their colleagues lack.35
Hospitalists are “site-defined generalist specialists”—physicians
whose specialty is defined by the site of their practice setting, rather
than by organ-specific or procedural expertise. In this way, they resemble
intensivists and emergency medicine physicians, other specialties that have
embraced patient safety. In fact, another important development has been
research validating the safety and quality advantages of intensivists.36 Unfortunately,
the national shortage of these critical care physicians has limited their
reach, although in many institutions, hospitalists or new models
of ICU telemedicine have partly filled the void.37
On the ambulatory side, the situation is less hopeful. Although ideally
primary care physicians would assume leadership roles in ambulatory safety,
few have the time to do so. Moreover, the perceived unattractiveness of
primary care careers has led to a marked drop-off in applicants for these
positions and is likely to result in a major shortage in coming years.38 Finally,
few small practices have had the resources to invest in office-based IT,
although larger ambulatory systems are proving that progress is possible.39
In terms of nursing, the dominant theme has been the national nurse shortage,
particularly in acute care environments, and the increasingly persuasive
research demonstrating that patient outcomes are compromised when there are
too few nurses, their hours are too long, or they are undertrained.40 Driven
in part by these data, California has mandated minimum nurse-to-patient
ratios, and other states may follow suit.41 Assuming
that Peter isn’t robbed to pay Paul to meet these ratios, safety
is likely to be improved.
Physician training has also been influenced by the safety movement. In
2003 the Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education (ACGME) began
enforcing limits on residents’ duty hours (maximum of eighty hours per
week or thirty hours per shift).42 Many observers,
including me, believe that these regulations probably harm safety in the
short term by increasing the number of hand-offs but ultimately improve safety
by decreasing fatigue among trainees. A recent study found that intensive care
residents working shorter shifts committed fewer errors.43 As
we limit residents’ hours, it will be important to consider and try to
mitigate the inevitable trade-offs, such as the information “voltage
drops” caused by additional transitions in care and the possible
creation of a shift-work mentality in residents.44
I believe that the ACGME’s duty-hours regulations are only the start
of a new emphasis on trainees as key components of safety programs, in
terms of not only working conditions but also their culture and socialization.
We can expect this emphasis to be manifested by new methods to ensure that
trainees’ competencies
(both traditional clinical competencies and those related to patient safety)
are better defined, inculcated, and measured. This increased emphasis on
competency assessment is likely to extend beyond the formal training period;
more and more specialty medical boards are requiring periodic recertification
by their diplomates, although the requirements for physicians remain
far less stringent than those imposed on pilots.45
Another aspect of medical education that has been traditionally neglected
is teamwork and simulation training; these strategies received much more
attention after the IOM report’s release. The best-known model is one drawn from
aviation (“crew resource management”), in which participants
are trained to tamp down hierarchies, use checklists and other redundancies,
and communicate clearly, particularly in crises. Emerging data support
the premise that such training can be adapted to clinical situations and
lead to improvements in performance and safety.46 Simulator
training may achieve many of the same benefits and may also improve technical
performance by both trainees and experienced providers needing to learn
new techniques.47
Unfortunately, there is a huge gap between the promise of teamwork and
simulator training and their application. Despite the fact that patient
outcomes are increasingly determined by how well teams function under pressure
(for example, promptly facilitating emergency coronary angioplasty and
stenting in patients with acute myocardial infarction), no teamwork training
is yet required of providers, and few medical and nursing schools include
it in their curricula. Even when institutions have invested in such training,
it is usually offered in small organizational units (the neonatal ICU,
for example), not institutionwide. Simulator training, because it is more
resource-intensive, is even less well developed: Even institutions known
as “simulator centers” generally
use simulators to train medical students or discrete specialists (such
as anesthesiologists). As more data demonstrate the best models for teamwork
training and simulation and prove that such training does change clinical
practices and culture, more pressure will be brought to bear on schools
and health care institutions to make it a standard part of training and
assessment. That will be a welcome development.
Conclusion
The past five years have demonstrated that patient safety resonates deeply
with the public; that attacking medical mistakes effectively takes new mental
models, research, technologies, and training; and that investments in safety
can save lives.48 At this point, I would
give our efforts an overall grade of C+,
with striking areas of progress tempered by clear opportunities for improvement.
Although institutions (including the federal government, foundations, health
plans, hospitals, and clinics) are investing more in patient safety than
they did prior to 1999, we still have a ways to go. For example, the federal
investment in safety, mostly through the Agency for Healthcare Research and
Quality (AHRQ), remains about 1/500th of its investment in medical progress,
as reflected in the budget of the National Institutes of Health.49 Although
important research has come from AHRQ’s early investment, its volume
and impact have been limited by this underfunding.
Similarly, few hospitals have made major investments in safety (such as
for paid safety officers or in teamwork or simulator training), particularly
outside of IT. It is difficult to “blame” hospitals for this:
Most lack large sources of capital that would allow them to make such expenditures
without harming other important clinical initiatives or their ongoing revenue
streams. Yet this underinvestment demonstrates that the business case for
safety, although more compelling than it was before 1999, remains inadequate
to the size of the task. In fact, the most important question going forward
is this: What is the right mix of financial, educational, research, regulatory,
organizational, and cultural activities and forces to catalyze the far
greater investment (in money, time, and attention) that will be needed to make
health care significantly safer?
Five years after To Err Is Human, we have
reached the end of the beginning. Our patients clearly do not think that
our work is done. Do we?
This work was supported by a grant from the Commonwealth Fund.
NOTES
1. L.T. Kohn, J.M. Corrigan, and M.S. Donaldson, eds., To
Err Is Human: Building a Safer Health System (Washington:
National Academies Press, 1999).
2. R.M. Wachter and K.G. Shojania, Internal Bleeding:
The Truth behind America’s Terrifying Epidemic of Medical Mistakes (New
York: Rugged Land Press, 2004).
3. H. Taylor, “For the Second Year Running, There Has Been a
Dramatic Increase in Confidence in Leadership of Nation’s Major Institutions,” Harris
Poll no. 9 (New York: Harris Interactive, 3 February 1999); and R.B. Lieber, “Now
Are You Satisfied? The 1998 American Customer Satisfaction Index,” Fortune 137,
no. 3 (1998): 161.
4. L.L. Leape, “Error in Medicine,” Journal
of the American Medical Association 272, no. 23 (1994):
1851–1857;
and J.R. Reason, Human Error (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1990).
5. T.A. Brennan et al., “Incidence of Adverse Events
and Negligence in Hospitalized Patients: Results of the Harvard Medical
Practice Study I,” New
England Journal of Medicine 324, no. 6 (1991): 370–376;
and L.L. Leape et al., “The Nature of Adverse Events in Hospitalized
Patients: Results of the Harvard Medical Practice Study II,” New
England Journal of Medicine 324, no. 6 (1991): 377–384.
6. L.L. Leape, “Institute of Medicine Medical Error
Figures Are Not Exaggerated,” Journal of the American
Medical Association 284, no. 1 (2000): 95–97; and C.J. McDonald,
M. Weiner, and S.L. Hui, “Deaths Due to Medical Errors Are Exaggerated
in Institute of Medicine Report,” Journal of
the American Medical Association 284, no. 1 (2000): 93–95.
7. Wachter and Shojania, Internal Bleeding, 398.
8. A. Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes
of the Wealth of Nations (Dublin: Whitestone, 1776; reprinted
in 1994 in an edition edited by E. Cannan).
9. Y. Donchin et al., “A Look into the Nature and
Causes of Human Errors in the Intensive Care Unit,” Critical
Care Medicine 23, no. 2 (1995): 294–300.
10. Reason, Human Error; and C. Perrow, Normal
Accidents: Living with High-Risk Technologies, with
a New Afterword and a Postscript on the Y2K Problem (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton
University Press, 1999).
11. A. Gawande, Complications: A Surgeon’s Notes
on an Imperfect Science (New York: Metropolitan Books,
2002); and D. Berwick, “Errors Today and Errors Tomorrow,” New
England Journal of Medicine 348, no. 25 (2003): 2570–2572.
12. S. Leatherman et al., “The Business Case for
Quality: Case Studies and an Analysis,” Health Affairs 22,
no. 2 (2003): 17–30.
13. R.M. Wachter, “Physician-Hospital Alignment: The Elusive
Ingredient,” July 2004, www.cmwf.org/publications/publications_show.htm?doc_id=235208 (8
November 2004).
14. J.T. Reason, Managing the Risks of Organizational
Accidents (Aldershot, Hampshire, U.K.: Ashgate, 1997).
15. Wachter and Shojania, Internal Bleeding, 350–352.
16. R.M. Wachter and L. Goldman, “The Emerging Role of ‘Hospitalists’ in
the American Health Care System,” New England
Journal of Medicine 335, no. 7 (1996): 514–517.
17. J.S. Ash et al., “Computerized Physician Order
Entry in U.S. Hospitals: Results of a 2002 Survey,” Journal
of the American Informatics Association 11, no. 2 (2004):
95–99.
18. K.J. Devers, H.H. Pham, and G. Liu, “What Is Driving Hospitals’ Patient-Safety
Efforts?” Health Affairs 23, no.
2 (2004): 103–115.
19. “Tracer Methodology: How It Can Help You Improve
Quality,” Healthcare
Benchmarks and Quality Improvement 11, no. 3 (2004): 61–63.
20. R. Pérez-Peña, “Law to Rein in
Hospital Errors Is Widely Abused, Audit Finds,” New York Times, 29
September 2004.
21. D.J. Cullen et al., “The Incident Reporting
System Does Not Detect Adverse Events: A Problem for Quality Improvement,” Joint
Commission Journal of Quality Improvement 21, no.
10 (1995): 541–548.
22. L.L. Leape, “Reporting of Adverse Events,” New
England Journal of Medicine 347, no. 20 (2002): 1633–1638.
23. See the AHRQ WebM&M home
page, webmm.ahrq.gov.
24. D.W. Bates and A.A. Gawande, “Improving Safety
with Information Technology,” New England Journal of Medicine 348,
no. 25 (2003): 2526–2534.
25. A. Milstein et al., “Improving the Safety of
Health Care: The Leapfrog Initiative,” Effective Clinical
Practice 3,
no. 6 (2000): 313–316; and N. Versel, “Performance Driving
Investment Up,” Modern Physician (November
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26. Wachter and Shojania, Internal Bleeding, 78–80.
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Bob
Wachter (bobw{at}medicine.ucsf.edu) is chief of the
medical service, University of California, San Francisco,
UCSF Medical Center, and is associate chair of the
UCSF Department of Medicine.
DOI: 10.1377/hlthaff.var.534
©2004 Project HOPEThe People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc.
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